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408 Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 130, 135, 163, 165; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 152; Drew, Refugee, p. 220; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 101.

409 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:146-47. Barrow knew of one incident where a driver was killed for trying to whip a slave. Davis, Plantation Life, p. 156.

410 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:147, 231.

411 Barrow appealed to his slaves' self-interest through his "Rules of Highland Plantation." Commenting on what might happen if they were scattered about due to being allowed to go wherever they wished after work was done: "Who can tell the moment When a plantation might be threatened with destruction from Fire--could the flames be arrested if the negroes are scattered throughout the neighborhood, seeking their amusement. Are these not duties of great importance, and in which evry negro himself is deeply interested . . . Wherever their wives live, there they consider their homes, consequently they are indifferent to the interest of the plantation to which they actually belong." When considering such chronic runaways as G. Jerry and Dennis, or such defiant slave women as Patience and Big Lucy, this appeal to identify with their master's interests apparently did not penetrate the quarters very deeply. Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 406, 408.

412 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:147-53.

413 Botkin, ed., Lay My Burden Down, p. 124, 133, 198, 215; Kemble, Journal, pp. 210, 274, 335; May, "John A. Quitman and His Slaves," p. 569; Wallace Brown, "Negroes and the American Revolution," History Today, 14 (Aug. 1964):557-58; Clarence L. Mohr, "Bibliographical Essay Southern Blacks in the Civil War: A century of Historiography," Journal of Negro History 59 (April 1974):183-88, 193-95; Frank A. Cassell, "Slaves of the Chesapeake Bay Area and the War of 1812," Journal of Negro History 57 (April 1972):144-55; William F. Messner, "Black Violence and White Response: Louisiana, 1862," Journal of Southern History, 41 (Feb. 1975):19-36; Jeffrey R. Young, "Ideology and Death on a Savannah River Rice Plantation, 1833-1867: Paternalism amidst 'a Good Supply of Disease and Pain," Journal of Southern History 59 (Nov. 1993):702-3; Sylvia R. Frey, "The British and the Black: A New Perspective," Historian 38 (Feb. 1976):226-38; John Cimprich, "Slave Behavior during the Federal Occupation of Tennessee, 1862-1865," Historian 44 (May 1982):335-46; Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom, pp. 87, 92, 119, 216-18. Genovese, due to his overarching model of paternalism as the hegemonic ideology of the master class being really accepted in a modified form by the slaves to suit their own purposes, underestimates how disruptive war was in maintaining labor discipline. Resistance to slavery need not have been manifested by violent revolts, but by masses of slaves running away, a lower risk strategy which still often obtained the desired goal. Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 143-45, 148-49.

414 Actually, we know the slaves' "hidden transcript" better than the agricultural workers', because there are far more slave narratives and autobiographies than diaries and autobiographies by farmworkers.

415 For example, although the Union army evidently was still far away, the war's disorganizing effects questioned the slaveholder regime's legitimacy, making the slaves more restive and free to speak, still existed in this case. After his grown son had paraded around in a Confederate officer's uniform, one North Carolinian master shot and killed a slave for defiantly saying, after mumbling it first: "I say, 'Look at that goddam soldier. He fighting to keep us niggers from being free." Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 194-95.

416 As quoted in Gillis, Development of European Society, p. 41.

417 Drew, Refugee, p. 98. Cf. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 297, 309.

418 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:356; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 285-324. See also Gutman and Sutch and David and Temin in David, Reckoning, pp. 55-57, 69-74, 89-93, 204-7; Gutman, Slavery and the Numbers Game, pp. 8, 14-18, 25-31, 39-42, 85, 165, 171-73.

419 Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 6, 143-44.

420 Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, pp. xii, 11, 17-18, 24, 66, 70-71, 87, 93-95, 105-6; Douglass, Narrative, p. 48.

421 As quoted in Vincent Harding, "Religion and Resistance among Antebellum Negroes, 1800-1860," in August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, eds., The Making of Black America, vol. 1: The Origins of Black Americans; 2 vols. Studies in American Negro Life (New York: Atheneum, 1969), pp. 182, 185, 187-88; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 26.

422 Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 91, 119, 292-93, 295, 306, 308, 335, 342-61 (sharing intimacies).

423 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:346, 2:117.

424 Olmsted noted that the South's dominant crop was grown on 5,000,000 acres out of over 500,000,000 acres, leaving much of the rest to wilderness. Cotton Kingdom, 1:24. See also Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 43-44, for how the frontier mentality affected the South's legal system by encouraging extra-legal violence.

425 Boney, "Thomas Stevens," 232-33; Carl N. Degler, "The Foundations of Southern Distinctiveness," Southern Review 13 (spring 1977):230; May, "John A. Quitman and His Slaves," p. 564. Both Degler and May cite the work of Morton Rothstein, and May cites William Scarborough, to support their views.

426 Degler, "Foundations of Southern Distinctiveness," p. 233. See Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, vol. 1, pp. 67-73. For a reply, note David and Temin in David, Reckoning with Slavery, pp. 39-43. Their argument does has force, because (in a perfectly efficient market) the relatively few marginal purchasers of slaves who were purely motivated by profit-making considerations would be enough to bring the rate of return to equilibrium with other profit-making activities in commerce or industry. However, how much could the "tail" of a few profit-motivated planters wag the theoretical "dog" of purely non-economically motivated slaveholders in reality, especially since the market for slaves (in particular) was not exactly fully efficient? Their point loses force because the mere existence of profits presupposes someone desires them, just as the existence of wages presupposes laborers' self-interest in earning them. Furthermore, even in their example of the budget-constrained "Cavalier fop" who has no profit-making motive concerning his slaves, self-interest is still present, even if more weakly, because within his limited resources "on average he would hold more slaves were slaves cheap (vis-a-vis others things) than he would were slaves relatively dear" (p. 41). They ignore how the further off this market would go from the general rate of return in the economy as a whole, proportionately increasing amounts of capital would "bleed" from the slave-owning sector. Profit-seeking entrepreneurs will shift capital from one sector to another as the rates of return between different sectors grow increasingly wider.

427 Gallay, "Origins of Slaveholders' Paternalism," p. 371; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 30-31. Gallay maintains this ruling elite owned over half of the slaves. Stampp calculates that only one-fourth of all the slaves belonged to those who owned less than ten, that somewhat more than half lived in units of twenty, and one-fourth lived in units of over fifty. If we accept Boney's definition of a "planter," which evidently tilts towards those who really could delegate the management of their plantations to others so they could pursue women, wild game, and card playing, then a strong majority of slaves were not owned by such planters.

428 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:73; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 163-64.

429 For example, as an illustration of this ethos, we find in the New Testament (Hebrews 12: 6-7): "For those whom the Lord loves He disciplines, and He scourges every son whom He receives. It is for discipline that you endure; God deals with you as with sons; for what son is there whom his father does not discipline?"

430 Anderson, "Aunt Jemima in Dialectics," pp. 112-13.

431 Degler, "Foundations of Southern Distinctiveness," 231; Boney, "Thomas Stevens, Antebellum Georgian," 233; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:142; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 325.

432 Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 326. Genovese implicitly rebuts this argument. Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 10. He maintains that slaveholders often knew all their slaves by name, as well as their individual personalities. However, this is not enough for close emotional bonds to form. Many high school teachers, facing 120-150 different students in the course of a day, may soon know all their individual names and many individuals' personal quirks and talents. Nevertheless, the serious emotional bonds that come from the intimacy of sharing what is on each other's minds are likely limited to a relative few out of this group.

433 Degler noted that Fitzhugh's brand of true conservatism, who repudiated the liberal tradition of Adam Smith and John Locke, constituted only a small minority viewpoint among whites. These views could not be sold to the poor white voters who personified "Jacksonian Democracy" in the South. While Calhoun, a much more influential figure than Fitzhugh, repudiated natural rights and defended slavery, he still remained in the liberal tradition by comparison. He did not look at political and social institutions as organic wholes as Burke did, but something changeable based upon reason, as illustrated by his proposal for a concurrent majority in approving legislation. Degler suggests that white Southerners, by emphasizing the racial component of American slavery more than it was elsewhere, allowed them to read the blacks out of society and political life as being innately inferior. This heavy dose of racism allowed them to have an individualistic, liberal capitalism with a republican government based upon universal white manhood suffrage among themselves while keeping blacks in chains. Degler, "Foundations of Southern Distinctiveness," 234-39.

434 Douglass, Narrative, p. 92; Drew, Refugee, p. 115; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 186; Ball, Slavery in the United States, pp. 48-49.

435 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 76, 102-3, 233, 249. See also Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 319; Clarence L. Mohr, "Before Sherman: Georgia Blacks and the Union War Effort, 1861-1864," Journal of Southern History 45 (Aug. 1979):332.

436 Some of the other effects of using ignorance to control the slaves was dealt with in the section on education (pp. 107-9) and the quality of life (p. 97) above, so they need not be repeated here.

437 as quoted in Gutman, Slavery and the Numbers Game, p. 101.

438 Kemble, Journal, p. 298.

439 Brent, Incidents, pp. 91-92.

440 Douglass, Narrative, p. 110.

441 Joyce E. Chaplin, "Slavery and the Principle of Humanity: A Modern Idea in the Early Lower South," Journal of Social History, winter 1990, p. 309.

442 Kemble, Journal, p. 25, 258. Note also pp. 40, 177, 279-80; Drew, Refugee, pp. 101, 161; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:39, 103, 181; May, "John Quitman and His Slaves," pp. 556-57.

443

Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 123; Chaplin, "Slavery and the Principle of Humanity," 309; Davis, Plantation Life, p. 157; Blassingame, Slave Community, p. 292. See also Orser, "Archaeological Analysis of Plantation Society," 742.



444 For examples of this practice, see Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 158; Kemble, Journal, p. 47; Davis, Plantation Life, p. 253; Bassett, Plantation Overseer, pp. 187, 203, 210; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:238, 251; 2:180, 195-96, 238-39; Alex Lichtenstein, "'That Disposition to Theft, With Which They Have Been Branded,': Moral Economy, Slave Management, and the Law," Journal of Social History 21 (spring 1988):424-26; Morgan, "Ownership of Property by Slaves," pp. 399-420; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 164-66.

445 Kemble, Journal, p. 280.

446 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:148; Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 139, 218, 279; Sides, "Slave Weddings and Religion," 83. For more on this issue, see Gutman, Slavery and the Numbers Game, pp. 44-47.

447 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:149, 150, 2:117-118, 262; Gutman and Sutch in David, Reckoning with Slavery, pp. 74-86. They also explain here how Fogel and Engerman's inflated figures on the percentage of black drivers and overseers (supervisors of drivers) were inaccurate.

448 Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 258-60, 316; Orser, "Archaeological Analysis of Plantation Society," pp. 740-41. For the general unpopularity of the drivers with other slaves, note Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 85, 90, 91, 94, 120, 121; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, pp. 217-18. The ex-slaves interviewed in the FWP narratives may have emphasized the brutality of the drivers due to fearing saying negative things about their past white master and/or overseer to white interviewers that gathered their reminiscences. William L. Van Deburg, "Slave Drivers and Slave Narratives: A New Look at the 'Dehumanized Elite,'" Historian 39 (Aug. 1977):728-30. However, in at least two of the narratives found in Botkin cited above, the slaves were willing to say negative things about their masters as well, thus blunting Van Deburg's point.

449 Kemble, Journal, p. 153; Brent, Incidents, p. 41. However, if the slave was a valuable artisan, punishing him this way normally cost too much. Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 184.

450 Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 272, 359, 419, 421; David and Temin in David, Reckoning, pp. 45-46; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 370-71, 393. The nearest any master might have come to Fogel and Engerman's model of long-run incentives was the large plantation of Zephaniah Kingsley in Florida. It featured a three-tiered hierarchy: freedmen, the drivers who were next in line to be freed, and the mass of slaves, which included a flow of continual newcomers from Africa. See J.P. White, "Christmas at the Plantation," North American Review 278 (Nov./Dec. 1993):5-6.

451 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:189.

452 Gathering "horror stories" of harsh overseers is easy, and little exists to rebut the overall impression they give. Unlike the case concerning good versus bad masters, where even among the slaves a more divided opinion exists, testimony about overseers is nearly always negative. See Botkin, ed., Lay My Burden Down, pp. 36, 104, 106; Kemble, Journal, p. 180, 223-24; Davis, Plantation Life, p. 154; Bassett, Plantation Overseer, pp. 112, 145-47; Douglass, Narrative, pp. 38-40; Drew, Refugee, p. 29, 183; Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, pp. 170-71; Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom, p. 139. One striking exception to this generally dismal picture was the overseer from Pennsylvania who protected Northrup from a master about to hang him with the aid of two other overseers for whipping him. See Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, pp. 77, 83-85.

453 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:189.

454 Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 99, 154. He also complains about overseers on pp. 89, 90, 232.

455 Young, "Ideology and Death," 697; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 213; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 321-23; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 54-56; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:236-37; Kolchin, Unfree Labor, pp. 79, 347.

456 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:247-48; Cf. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 621; Morgan, "Ownership of Property by Slaves," pp. 400-401. Notice how organizing work by task appealed to the slaves' sense of time and work (task-orientation), while trying to get them to work methodically by the clock was a failure (time-orientation).

457 Kemble, Journal, p. 135.

458 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:136, 247-48.

459 Davis, Plantation Life, p. 136; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 240; Blake Allmendinger, "Acting and Slavery: Representations of Work in the Writings of Fanny Kemble," Mississippi Quarterly 41 (fall 1988):512; Starobin, "Disciplining Industrial Slaves," 112; Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 126-27.

460 Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 213; Davis, Plantation Life, p. 421.

461 Debow's Review 18 (March 1855):339, quoted by Kolchin, Unfree Labor, p. 79.

462 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 168-69; Brent, Incidents, p. 123; Drew, Refugee, pp. 249-50. For more on the patrol system, see Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 617-19; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 214-15.

463 Kemble, Journal, p. 259; Davis, Plantation Life, pp. 407-08; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 92.

464 Armstrong, Old Massa's People, pp. 150-51. Freedman Tony Washington tells of a similar practice, ibid., p. 32.

465 Armstrong, Old Massa's People, pp. 86 (Cato), 113 (Robinson) 146 (Europe); Bassett, Plantation Overseer, p. 25.

466 Brent, Incidents, pp. 28, 33-34; Drew, Refugee, pp. 70 (Nichols), 249 (Younger); Mohr, "Slavery in Oglethorpe County," 8; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 41; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:356;

467 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 50, 76, 148.

468 Ball, Slavery in the United States, pp. 57-58; Kemble, Journal, pp. 102-3, 135, 170; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, pp. 31, 32, 81; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 82-83. Also note the implications of Jacobs saying she could look for no protection from her young mistress against Mr. Flint in Brent, Incidents, p. 18.

469 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 70-71, 194.

470 Ball, Slavery in the United States, p. 58; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 119; Drew, Refugee, p. 69. However, later, after he had been chained to a tree, he punished by making him fall on his back.

471 Cf. to Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 515-19.

472 Gutman, Slavery and the Numbers Game, p. 26.

473 Anderson, "Aunt Jemima in Dialectics," 111; As summarized in Richard S. Sterne and Jean Loftin Rothseiden, "Master-Slave Clashes as Forerunners of Patterns in Modern American Urban Eruptions," Phylon 30 (fall 1969):254.

474 Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 133; Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 219-20; Anderson, "Aunt Jemima in Dialectics," 111-12; Sterne and Rothseiden, "Master-Slave Clashes," 250-60.

475 Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 212, 287 (quote), 253-58 (policies of repression), 308-9 (punishment statistics); "A very English rising," Times Literary Supplement, Sept. 11, 1969, as cited in Rule, Labouring Classes, p. 360; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 233-34; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, p. 279 (Cavan), 254, 266 (policies of repression).

476 Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, p. 184; Rule, Labouring Classes, p. 360.

477 Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 66, 102-5; Hammond and Hammond, Village Laborer, pp. 246-49, 258-59; See also, although fictionalized and opposed to the rioters' demands, Machine-Breaking and the Changes Occasioned by It in the Village of Turvey Down: A Tale of the Times (Oxford, England: W. Baxter, 1830), pp. 26-30, as found in Carpenter, Rising of the Agricultural Workers.

478 Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 250-52; compare the similar demands made and granted in Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 105, 117-18.

479 Concerning the counties' rulers willingness to make concessions, note Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 16-17.

480 Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, pp. 104, 109-10, 118, 124-25, 130, 152, 158-60, 231-33.

481 The remarkable restraint and order of English crowds during food riots also confirms this characterization. See Thompson, "The Moral Economy of the English Crowd," 99, 108-20; Hammond and Hammond, Village Laborer, pp. 116-18.

482 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:350-51.

483 Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the French Revolution, trans. Stuart Gilbert (1856; New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday, 1955), pp. 32-72; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, pp. 12-17; Hammond and Hammond, Town Labourer, pp. 60-80, 269; Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 164.

484 Thompson, Making, pp. 216-17. The purpose of this brief summary on enclosure is not to debate the overall merits of enclosure, such as the trade-off between increased production and high social costs like increased unemployment, loss of rights to common, etc.
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