224 Ball, Slavery in the United States, 21-24; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 36-38; Mary F. Berry and John W. Blassingame, "Africa, Slavery, & the Roots of Contemporary Black Culture," Massachusetts Review, autumn 1977, 515. They overstate their case because the poor whites at services, especially revival meetings, had an emotional interpretation of religion as well, coming from the Protestant belief in being "born again." The emotional services held by Methodists and others among the English working class shows American whites need not have copied the blacks in this regard. Note Stampp, Peculiar Institution, 376-77; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:265-71; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 239-40.
225 Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 371, 374-76; William C. Suttles, Jr., "African Religious Survivals as Factors in American Slave Revolts," Journal of Negro History 56 (April 1971):96-100, 102; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 182-83.
226 Olmsted maintained that the generality of preaching in the South to the slaves had been overstated, that many masters still discouraged it. Cotton Kingdom, 2:213-14.
227 Davis, Plantation Life, 198. One overseer kept the slaves in his care from going to a nearby church because it would join together slaves from different plantations. This left them with services just once a month. Kemble, Journal, 220.
228 Drew, Refugee, 89 (West), 331 (Freeman), 353-54 (Troy) 383-84 (Johnson); Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 231; Cf. Cato of Alabama's testimony in Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 86.
238 James D. Anderson, "Aunt Jemima in Dialectics: Genovese on Slave Culture," Journal of Negro History 61 (Jan. 1976):113.
239 What one slave preacher said when he got so excited during services that his mask slipped may hint at what was preached at such gatherings. Forgetting that a white man was watching him, he prayed: "Free indeed, free from death, free from hell, free from work, free from white folks, free from everything." Henry Clay Bruce, The New Man. Twenty-nine Years a Slave. Twenty-nine Years a Free Man (York, PA, 1895), 73, cited by Blassingame, Slave Community, 135-37.
240 James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990), passim. Scott rejects the concept of hegemony altogether, whether it be the strong version in which the masses gain false consciousness from the elite's propaganda and then really believe in the ideology of the superstructure, or the weak version, wherein the elite settles for the masses simply becoming resigned and passive about their plight. His rejection is too complete, at least for advanced industrial countries with a history of free elections and free speech. In such nations, the masses may really come to accept some of the elite's ideology as being in their self-interest--such as property rights and (in America) the Horatio Alger myth. (How else could Rush Limbaugh, and right-wing talk radio in general, get such high ratings?) Still, Scott has dealt a mighty blow against Gramscian theorizing.
241 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 96.
242 Thompson, Making, 351; Hammond and Hammond, Village Labourer, 215.
243 Thompson, Making, 41. Similarly, note the message of patience and submission taught by the Conference of Methodist Ministers, in an address adopted in 1819 almost 30 years after Wesley’s death: Hammond and Hammond, Town Labourer, 280-81.
244 Hammond and Hammond, Town Labourer, 223-24, 329.
245 For the farmers’ resentment against the tithes, see Cobbett, Rural Rides, 191.
247 Cobbett blasts the Established Church for such abuses, where the parsons take their tithes for a given parish, but totally neglect to serve it, failing even to maintain a rectory or (in one Wiltshire case) a church in it. Cobbett, Rural Rides, 365-66, 400-403.
248 Ibid., 170. Note also 178.
249 Cobbett, Rural Rides, 176; Arch, Joseph Arch,16-17, 19-20.
251 On the two types of tithes, see J.W. Anscomb, "Parliamentary Enclosure in Northamptonshire Processes and Procedures," Northamptonshire Past and Present, 7(1988-89): 413; The Life and History of Swing the Kent Rick-Burner (London: R. Carlile, 1830), 17, in Carpenter, Rising of the Agricultural Labourers; "Swing" letter, quoted by E.P. Thompson, Making of the English Working Class, 233.
252 Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, 288-91; J.A. Hargreaves, "Methodism and Luddism in Yorkshire, 1812-1813," Northern History 26 (1990): 161.
253 Thompson, Making, 354-65; Hammond and Hammond, Town Labourer, 284-86.
254 Hammond and Hammond, Town Labourer, 270-71.
255 Arch, Joseph Arch, 47-48, 50.
256 Thompson, Making, 41; Rule, Labouring Classes, 310-11. The Tolpuddle case involved six farmworkers from Dorset who were sentenced in 1834 to be transported for seven years merely for administering oaths despite forming a union itself was legal.
261 Blassingame, Slave Community, 149-50. The earlier colonial period saw more of an imbalance until near its end. Note the figures for King William Parish, Virginia in Gundersen, "Double Bonds of Race and Sex," 354-56. For cases of polygamy being tolerated, see Kemble, Journal, 207, 226. Also note Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, 169.
262 Drew, Refugee, 141.
263 Gundersen, "Double Bonds of Race and Sex," 370; Brent, Incidents, 4.
264 Douglass, Narrative, 60; for a more optimistic spin on estate divisions, note Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 125-27; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 2:232. Herbert G. Gutman decisively shatters their optimism in Slavery and the Numbers Game: A Critique of Time on the Cross (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1975), 132-36.
265 Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 258; Drew, Refugee, 198; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:154; Ball, Slavery in the United States, 16. See also 77-78; Note Bobby Frank Jones, "A Cultural Middle Passage," in Herbert Gutman, Slavery and the Numbers Game, 133-34.
266 F.N. Boney, "Thomas Stevens, Antebellum Georgian," South Atlantic Quarterly 72 (spring 1973): 238-39; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:3; Jack E. Davis, "Changing Places: Slave Movement in the South, Historian 55 (summer 1993): 661-63. In passing, he notes Tadman's estimate that no more than 30 percent of interregional slave migration came from slaves accompanying moving owners; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:48; Sutch and Gutman in David, Reckoning, 100-105.
267 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 102; Drew, Refugee, 45, 121; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 258-60; Brent, Incidents, 14; Ball, Slavery in the United States, 16, 35-36; Chambers's Journal, Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:375-77. One or more of these seven children may have died earlier, long before this sale took place; Gutman and Sutch in David, Reckoning, 132.
268 Bassett, Plantation Overseer, 197. Note that even with an intact nuclear slave family being relocated to their new master because of inheritance, she was still told that they seemed to be in distress over separating from friends and other family members.
269 Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 316-17.
270 my emphasis, Davis, Plantation Life, 184.
271 Judith Kelleher Schafer, "New Orleans Slavery in 1850 as Seen in Advertisements," Journal of Southern History 47 (Feb. 1981):36.
272 Herman Freudenberger and Jonathan B. Pritchett, "The Domestic United States Slave Trade: New Evidence," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 21 (winter 1991):454-55. The source of this figure was the certificates of good character which Louisiana briefly required for all slave sales. Fogel and Engerman maintain only 9.3 percent of slaves sold were children under thirteen in Time on the Cross based on sales invoices. A later sampling of theirs using these certificates of good character of children ten years old and less produced a figure of 11.1 percent. See Freudenberger and Pritchett, Ibid., p. 453; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:49-50. Gutman and Sutch demolish Fogel and Engerman's calculations that indicated most young slaves sold were orphans in David, Reckoning, 130-131. Pritchett and Freudenberger's data also refute their claim that this Louisiana law was seldom enforced. See Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 2:53-54. Significantly, Schafer found twenty-eight ads listing children separately under eleven, of whom only six were said to be orphans, in New Orleans newspapers for 1850. "New Orleans Slavery," 36-37.
273 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:49; 2:51-52.
274 Kemble, Journal, 58; cf the mention of fourteen-, sixteen-, and eighteen-year-olds in Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:80. Very few of these children were illegitimate: Only three unmarried mothers were on the rice island estate Kemble stayed at. Journal, 134-35. Fogel and Engerman used probate records to establish a high average age for slave mothers at the first birth of a child. But they commit so many fallacies with the data (including equating oldest surviving child with a first birth at the time of probate), any re-examination of the evidence totally controverts their claims. See Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:138-39; Gutman and Sutch in David, Reckoning, 136-46; Gutman, Slavery and the Numbers Game, 140-52.
275 For the general discussion about this issue, note Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 2:48-53; Gutman and Sutch in David, Reckoning, 112-33; Gutman, Slavery and the Numbers Game, 108-23.
Blassingame, Slave Community, 341, 361; Gutman and Sutch in David, Reckoning, 128-29.
Drew, Refugee, 29 (William Johnson), 30 (Tubman), 52 (George Johnson), 179 (Jackson). Since the WPA narratives are heavily weighted towards those who were only children while in bondage, they might not often mention this kind of fear, which is the province of adults.
279 Kemble, Journal, 18. Note also Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 495; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, 287. After emancipation, the forced equality in field work soon disappeared, for the freedmen and freedwomen preferred and adopted the sexual division of labor that the whites had. See Dill, "Our Mothers' Grief," 422.
280 On the damaged father's role, see Stampp, Peculiar Institution, 344-46. The two-thirds figure is based on a 1866 military census of ex-slaves who lived in Princess Anne County, Virginia, where the blacks questioned stated who owned them in 1863. Gutman, Slavery and the Number Games, 105; Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, 169; Kemble, Journal, 60; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 486-89; Blassingame, Slave Community, 179.
281 Narrative of the Life of Moses Grandy, 16, quoted in Peter Kolchin, Unfree Labor: American Slavery and Russian Serfdom (Cambridge: Belknap Press, Harvard University Press, 1987), 211. Cf. Kemble, Journal, 175; Brent, Incidents, 41-43; Blassingame, Slave Community, 172.
282 This practice also increased the men's feeling of independence because they received the freedom to walk to another plantation using a standard or monthly pass. Bennet Barrow opposed allowing off-plantation marriages in part because: "3d--it creates a feeling of independance, from being, of right, out of the control of the masters for a time." Davis, Plantation Life, 408.
283 Deborah G. White, "Female Slaves: Sex Roles and Status in the Antebellum Plantation South," Journal of Family History, Fall 1983, 255; Davis, Plantation Life, 408, 409; On the frequency of marrying abroad, see Gutman and Sutch in David, Reckoning, 103-4 and Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:81; On seeing the "grass is greener elsewhere," see Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 155. The bondsmen also had good reasons for their custom, but it had its intrinsic costs, including increased involuntary separations.
284 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 147; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 166-68.
285 Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 166; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down,65; Mary Reynolds of Louisiana disliked a similar casual wedding she had (124). Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:81; Kemble, Journal, 167.
286 Stampp, Peculiar Institution, 342-43.
287 See Dill, "Our Mothers' Grief," 418.
288 Bassett, Plantation Overseer, 84.
289 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:81.
290 Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:225-27. The latter two cases may be of free blacks instead of slaves; the context does not make it completely clear.
291 On the difference of slave parents, see Stampp, Peculiar Institution, 346; Kemble, Journal, 95, 174; Davis, Plantation Life, 201, 269, 432; Bassett, Plantation Overseer, 141, 264-65.
292 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 228; Douglass, Narrative, 44-45.
293 Drew, Refugee, 71-72 (Nichols); Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 172. True, she put an optimistic (perhaps nostalgic) spin on the situation: "But we got 'long jus' fine!" Nevertheless, today it is known that on average the uncertainty stemming from family instability produces far more children with major psychological problems than stable family environments do. A case of a Kentucky slave woman having seven children by seven different men appears in Stampp, Peculiar Institution, 346.
294 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 55, 89, 102, 156.
295 Clarence L. Mohr, "Slavery in Oglethorpe County, Georgia, 1773-1865," Phylon, 32 (Spring 1972): 11.
296 Note Stampp, Peculiar Institution, 359-60.
297 Brent, Incidents, 35, 105, 193.
Armstrong, Old Massa's People, 164; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 161-62; Drew, Refugee, 84. While exaggerating the frequency of arranged marriages, Franklin makes insightful comments on their negative consequences. From Slavery to Freedom, 148.
299 Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:133, 2:110; Bentley Glass and C.C. Li, "The Dynamics of Racial Intermixture--an Analysis Based on the American Negro," American Journal of Human Genetics 5 (Mar. 1953): 10; D.F. Roberts, "The Dynamics of Racial Intermixture in the American Negro--Some Anthropological Considerations," American Journal of Human Genetics 7 (Dec. 1955): 361-62, 366; Bentley Glass, "On the Unlikelihood of Significant Admixture of Genes from the North American Indians in the Present Composition of the Negroes of the United States," American Journal of Human Genetics 7 (Dec. 1955): 371; T. Edward Reed, "Caucasian Genes in American Negroes," in Laura Newell Morris, ed., Human Populations, Genetic Variation, and Evolution (San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1971), 427-48; Gutman, Slavery and the Numbers Game, 146, 154; Sutch in David, Reckoning, 283-84.
300 Gutman and Sutch in David, Reckoning, 151. Gutman and Sutch argue the Evans and Bullock county results are biased downwards because they say mulattoes were excluded from them and because proportionately more mulattoes migrated north or to Southern cities than blacks. But Fogel and Engerman maintain that southern urban areas even in 1850-1860 had a disproportionately high percentage of mulattoes when their movements were still (largely) regulated by slaveholders. Time on the Cross, 2:113. Clearly, more miscegenation happened in urban areas than in rural, since the bondswomen in cities had far more contact with whites and were less tightly supervised than on plantations and farms. After discussing the reliability of the 1860 Census reports’ figure that about 13 percent of black Americans had white ancestry, Genovese maintains most miscegenation took place in cities. Roll, Jordan, Roll, 414-15.
301 Glass and Li, "Dynamics of Racial Intermixture," 8; Glass, "Unlikelihood of Genes from North American Indians," 371, 372, 375, 377; Reed, "Caucasian Genes in American Negroes," 436; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 2:111, 112.
303 When describing the greater number of roles a slave could play in Latin America compared to the United States, Stanley E. Elkins wrongly declares: "He [the Latin American/Caribbean slave] could be a husband and father (for the American slaves these roles had virtually no meaning)." Conspicuously, Elkins’s summary judgment overlooks the slave woman and her roles as wife and mother, which (following the insights of Gilder in Men and Marriage) are much more durable and less socially constructed than the man’s roles as husband and father. By apparently taking the universal "he" of his sentence too narrowly and literally, he accidentally eliminated half of all American slaves' experience with family life! Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959), 136. The imbalanced sex ratios in which men outnumbered women on many Caribbean and Latin American plantations undermine his argument as well.
304 Snell, Annals, 359-60.
305 Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1976), 167-91; Gillis, Development of European Society, 3-12, 31-32; Snell, Annals, 9-14, 369-73, 399-410. Also note, as implicitly siding with Weber and Gillis, George Huppert, After the Black Death: A Social History of Early Modern Europe (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1986), 2-7, 117-27.
306 Gillis, Development of European Society, 5, 7; Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, 175.
307 Snell, Annals, 10, 370.
308 Snell, Annals, 11, 370; Huppert, After the Black Death, 118.
309 Snell, Annals, 367.
310 Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, 175.
311 Gillis, Development of European Society, 4.
312 Snell, Annals, 367.
0 W.E.B. Dubois, The Negro American Family, ed. W.E. Burghardt, Atlanta University Publications, no. 13 (Atlanta: Atlanta University Press, 1908), 47, 49, cited by Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 2:201-2.