148 Drew, Refugee, pp. 50 (Rose), 275 (Sanders); Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 50; As Douglass noted: "A city slave is almost a freeman, compared with a slave on the plantation." It was in Baltimore that he learned to read, continuing on the with aid of white children after his mistress stopped teaching him. Narrative, p. 49-50, 53-54; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 562-63.
149 Douglass, Narrative, pp. 49, 94, 97; Similarly, escaped slave Henry Morehead stated: "The time is now, when the colored men begin to see that it is the want of education which has kept them in bondage so long;" Drew, Refugee, p. 180; Kemble, Journal, p. 130. See also p. 9; as quoted in Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:214.
150 Nat Turner, in 1831 the leader of the bloodiest American slave rebellion which erupted in Virginia, was literate, which certainly did not persuade slaveholders to encourage literacy among their human chattels. After this revolt killed some sixty whites, the white South suffered an abiding trauma that lingered into the Civil War. Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 132-34.
151 as quoted in Richard D. Younger, "Southern Grand Juries and Slavery," Journal of Negro History 40 (Apr. 1955):168-69; Brent, Incidents, p. 6; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 26; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:69-71; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 185; Drew, Refugee, p. 97.
152 Drew, Refugee, pp. 110, 175, 180-81 (Morehead); Brent, Incidents, pp. 74-75; Douglass, Narrative, pp. 89-90; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 91.
153 John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom A History of Negro Americans, 5d ed. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1980), p. 145; Kemble, Journal, pp. 158, 271; Brent, Incidents, p. 74; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 50, 126; Northrup, Twelve Years a Slave, p. 175.
154 John R. Gillis, The Development of European Society, 1770-1870 (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1983), p. 216 (chart); Hudson, A Shepherd's Life, p. 60; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, first report, pp. xxi, xix; R.S. Schofield, "Dimensions of Illiteracy, 1750-1850," Explorations in Economic History, 10 (1973): 450, cited by Snell, Annals, p. 36; Eric J. Hobsbawm and George Rude, Captain Swing (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1969), p. 64.
155 Hobsbawm and Rude, Captain Swing, p. 64; Somerville, Whistler, p. 104; Cobbett, Rural Rides, pp. 123-24.
156 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 9, 24-27; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 142-43; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, first report, p. xviii; David Thomson, England in the Nineteenth Century 1815-1914 (London: Penguin Group, 1950), p. 135; Pamela Horn, "Child Workers in the Victorian Countryside: The Case of Northamptonshire," Northamptonshire Past and Present 7 (1985-86):175.
157 Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, first report, pp. vii, x-xi, xv, xx. In 1870s Wiltshire parents had realized the value of education much more. Jeffries, Hodge, 2:67. (This work was mainly based upon his experience writing for a Wiltshire and Gloucestershire newspaper in the early 1870s).
158 Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, pp. ix (variations), xiii, xiv (Northumberland), xviii-xix (Leicestershire), xxii (Cambridge/Yorkshire), xxvi (Northamptonshire), xlviii-il (concession). Arch mentions both extremes in ages. Joseph Arch, pp. 247-48.
159 Horn, "Child Workers," 177-178; Morgan, Harvesters and Harvesting, pp. 64-67; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, p. xxix.
160 Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, cited by Agar, Bedfordshire Farm Worker, p. 19. This county was heavily agricultural, so most (c. 80 percent) of its inhabitants were farmworkers and their families. Woburn Union, confining its figures to agricultural laborers' children exclusively, overall had 839 in attendance with 1100 on the schools' registers for children under the age of 13 out of a population of 11,682 in 1861. See p. 13.
161 Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 248.
162 Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 25; Windham's Speeches, 3:17, cited by J.L. and Barbara Hammond, The Town Labourer 1760-1832: The New Civilisation new ed. (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1928), p. 56; Gillis, Development of European Society, p. 215; One Southern overseer who visited England noted that the same arguments were used against educating the farmworkers and the slaves. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 193.
163 Cobbett, Rural Rides, pp. 51-52; Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 25.
164 Hammond and Hammond, Town Labourer, pp. 55-56. H.G. Wells obliquely alludes to the two options as chosen by two different nations: "The oligarchy of the crowned republic of Great Britain may have crippled and starved education, but the Hohenzollern monarchy corrupted and prostituted it." The Outline of History: Being a Plain History of Mankind, ed. Raymond Postgate, 2 vols. (Garden City, NY: Garden City Books, 1956), 2:830.
Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, p. 69; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, pp. xxiii, xxxii.
166 Steven R. Smith, "Age in Old England," History Today, Mar. 1979, p. 174.
167 Genovese provides a good but overly optimistic summary of how well slaveowners cared for their elderly slaves: Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 519-23. Although he carefully balances between an optimistic and pessimistic interpretation, a tilt toward a pessimistic viewpoint (like Stampp's) is more justifiable.
168 Kemble, Journal, p. 92, 313; cf. p. 246. While noting the pro-slavery argument that their elderly were not isolated from their family and friends as the laborers confined to the workhouse in England were, she still found old slaves were terribly neglected on her husband's estates. The workhouse infirmary that Jeffries described was certainly better than this, as mentioned above (p. 110).
169 Kemble, Journal, p. 303; Brent, Incidents, p. 14; Narrative of Jonathan Walker; Davis, Plantation Life, p. 262.
170 In his "Rules of Highland Plantation," Bennet Barrow enunciated clearly the price of retirement and guaranteed subsistence at his perceived expense, including in sickness and retirement: "If I maintain him in his old age, when he is incapable of rendering either himself or myself any service, am I not entitled to an exclusive right to his time [when younger]"? Davis, Plantation Life, p. 407. Clearly, a slave paid dearly in return for the security his master (actually, fellow slaves) provided for him in old age.
171 Douglass, Narrative, p. 62; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 2:251. Olmsted eloquently observed that slavery stultifies the talents and abilities of its human chattels while, in practice, providing "no safety against occasional suffering for want of food among labourers, or even against their starvation any more than the competitive system" (i.e., capitalism).
172 Kemble, Journal, p. 247; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 522; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 63.
173 Kemble, Journal, p. 313; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 69; Douglass, Narrative, p. 22; Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 313; Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, 1:209.
175 Ball, Slavery in the United States, p. 21; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 522-23.
176 Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. 318. By citing the highest available figure for slave life expectancy (36 years), Fogel and Engerman try to deny the force of these figures in demonstrating differential treatment for slaves and free whites. The higher black death rates result from black women having a higher fertility rate concomitant with a higher infant mortality rate, and from the South's (allegedly) less healthy climate. Time on the Cross, 1:124-25; 2:243-44. Substantially lower estimates for life expectancy for slaves are actually more common, such as Zelnick's 32 years, Farley's 27.8 for female slaves, and Elben's 32.6 for the same. They ignore the implications of higher mortality rates for black infants in demonstrating how material conditions for slaves were worse than for free whites. The idea the South's climate was epidemiologically inferior to the North's is also disputable. The North-South difference in infant mortality can easily attributed to the difference between bondage and freedom, instead of a less healthy climate. Sutch in David, Reckoning with Slavery, pp. 283-87. Conceptually, the major point Stampp implicitly makes is still true: Of all those born, proportionately fewer black babies lived to be elderly than white ones. See Peculiar Institution, p. 319.
177 Smith, "Age in Old England," p. 174; Snell, Annals, pp. 364-67.
178 Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 46, 47-48, 318-19.
179 Jeffries, Hodge, p. 143.
180 David Thomson, "Welfare and the Historians," in The World We Have Gained: Histories of Population and Social Structure, eds. Lloyd Bonfield, R.M. Smith, and K. Wrightson (Oxford, 1986), p. 370; cited by Rushton, "The Poor Law," p. 151. See also Snell, Annals, pp. 364-67.
181 Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 36.
182 Hudson, Shepherd's Life, pp. 46-47, 55; Committee on the New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 35.
183 Snell, Annals, pp. 131-33; Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 257; Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, p. 220. Thomas Sockett, the rector of Petworth, Sussex, said pensions of 2s./week were normal for older people not working in Petworth parish. Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, p. 15.
184 Committee on New Poor Law, BPP, 1837, first report, preface to minutes of evidence, p. 7. See also p. 9.
185 Ibid., p. 1. See also p. 15. Admittedly, he said he would have voted for the New Poor Law had he been a Member of Parliament. Ibid., second report, p. 23; first report, p. 16. But, going against Cobbett and Arch's stereotype of the uncaring, Tory-supporting establishment churchman, he harshly condemned some parts of the law that injured the poor.
186 Ibid., p. 21. Only those with no family to care for them ended up in the workhouse. Otherwise, they lived with family members (including wives), and received pensions of two shillings a week.
187 Ibid., p. 31. Arch estimated the parish paid at least one shilling a week more to place an elderly person in the workhouse than to give a relief pension of two shillings a week. "As has been calculated, it costs the ratepayers from three shillings and ten pence to four shillings a week per adult." Joseph Arch, pp. 259-60.
188 Ibid., pp. 38, 41, 43. The assistant Poor Law Commissioner, William Henry Toovey Hawley, flatly denied that some rule prohibited the relieving of the aged and infirm at home. Ibid., p. 66. Farmer Edward Butt, having worked many years as a relieving officer for the poor under Gilbert's act for the Petworth parish, believed the elderly were better off under the new law than before. Ibid., second report, p. 4.
189 "Of course, out-relief of sorts continued for some elderly people; although one should be wary of generalising arguments on 'continuity' before and after 1834 which are based on Norfolk and Suffolk." Snell, Annals, p. 131.
190 Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 257-60; Snell, Annals, pp. 135-37; Somerville, Whistler, pp. 153, 156.
191 On child labor, see Thompson, Making, p. 349; Douglass, Narrative, pp. 24-26.
192 Kemble, Journal, p. 121; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, p. 94; Drew, Refugee, pp. 72, 105; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:131, 239; Morgan, "Ownership of Property by Slaves," pp. 402-3; Washington, Up from Slavery, p. 17; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 502, 505. Armstrong notes "adolescence" as the age for going into the fields. Old Massa's People, p. 92; See Peter Kolchin, "More Time on the Cross? An Evaluation of Robert William Fogel's Without Consent or Contract," Journal of Southern History 58 (Aug. 1992): 494.
193 Armstrong, Old Massa's People, pp. 78-79; Douglass, Narrative, pp. 43-44; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:239.
194 Brent, Incidents, pp. 28-29; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, 1:39. This incident illustrates again how whites, with blacks in bondage, willingly engaged in "race mixing" that would have appalled post-reconstruction segregationists. "When the negro is definitely a slave, it would seem that the alleged natural antipathy of the white race to associate with him is lost." (1:40).
196 Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 508; Kemble, Journal, 312-13. Note p. 31 also, where no adult was in sight supervising the babies or the baby-minders in a cabin; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, 126.
197 Kemble, Journal, p. 66, 121, 122, 312. She rebukes a Times [of London?] correspondent who noted on the estate he visited that "all the children below the age of twelve were unemployed." Olmsted had a similar perspective: "Until the negro is big enough for his labour to be plainly profitable to his master, he has no training to application or method, but only to idleness and carelessness." Cotton Kingdom, 1:131
200 Snell, Annals, 40, 45-46, 49-66, 309, 348-50. One of the questionnaires which parishes filled out as part of the inquiries into the Old Poor Law, BPP, 1834, vol. xxx, reported this process at work clearly. Selattyn, Shropshire reported: "Women and Children are not now so much employed as formerly, because labouring men are so plentiful, and their labour so cheap." Hugh Cunningham, "The Employment and Unemployment of Children in England c. 1680-1851," Past and Present, no. 126 (Feb. 1990), 135.
201 Hudson, Shepherd's Life, 67; Horn, "Child Workers," 173; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, ix (generally), xiii (Northumberland), xxvi (Northampton), xvii (Fens), xx (Yorkshire); Arch, Joseph Arch, 29.
202 Cunningham, "Employment of Children," strikingly covers this subject in depth, noting that many saw industry and mining as a solution to the problem of idle children burdening their parents. He concludes on p. 150: "It is usual to think of the school rescuing the working child from the factory; it is more plausible to think of it removing the idle child from the street. In 1871 when the number in the census 'at home' was still high, the Registrar-General suggested that school was the proper place for these 'unemployed children'." Also note Mary B. Rose, "Social Policy and Business; Parish Apprenticeship and the Early Factory System 1750-1834," Business History 12 (Oct. 1989):6-7; the statements by Defoe and Pitt in Hammond and Hammond, Town Labourer, 144. Thompson's critique of child labor, alluded to above (p. 119), when placed amidst such evidence for child unemployment, largely applies to those children employed in the factory and mining districts, where the labor intensity and length of the workday were undeniably extremely demanding.
203 Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, pp. xvii, xviii; Horn, "Child Workers," 174.
204 Sonya O. Rose raises a similar point in connection with the household economy functioning in domestic industry, not agriculture. When children are working for their parents directly and not for an employer for wages, those gathering data for a census are more apt to overlook them. See Rose, "Proto-Industry, Women's Work and the Household Economy in the Transition to Industrial Capitalism," Journal of Family History 13 (1988):188.
205 Cunningham, "Employment of Children," 140-47. Even the 1867-68 Report found, at least in the Thames Valley area, only relatively few employed under the age of ten and that only one eleventh under age eight were employed. Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, p. xxix.
206 Snell develops this theme at great length in Annals. Note especially pp. 67-103, 210-219, 322-327. See also Cunningham, "Employment of Children," 123, 148.
207 Cunningham, "Employment of Children," 120.
208 Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, p. xi (recommend age), xxi (Cambridge), xxvi (Northampton), xxxi (Thames); Arch, Joseph Arch, p. 247.
209 This evidence, but coming from the English side, backs Genovese's claim: "The southern slaveholders knew, too, that their slave children fared closer to the style of their own pampered children than to that of the children of nonslaveholders, who had to help their parents by doing rough work at early ages." Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 504. Again, Kemble and others raise an important point: Was keeping a child in idleness without an education better than putting them to work under their parents' eyes (as opposed to a textile mill owner owner's impersonal supervision and high intensity work regime)?
210 See Morgan, Harvesters, pp. 23-27, 98; Committee on Allotments, BPP, 1843, pp. 211, 222, 225, 226, 227; Commission on Employment in Agriculture, BPP, 1867-68, pp. xiv (Northumberland), xxiv (Yorkshire); Jeffries, Hodge, 2:73-74.
211 Jeffries, Hodge, 2:65-67, 73-74. Somerville portrayed laborers' children as picking flowers also. Whistler, pp. 281-82; Hudson, Shepherd's Life, p. 68; Arch, Joseph Arch, pp. 27, 28, 33-34.
212 Plato, Republic, 338c; The Collected Dialogues of Plato Including the Letters, Bollingen Series LXXI, eds. Edith Hamilton and Huntington Cairns, trans. of Republic, Paul Shorey (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961), 588.
213 cf. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 161-68. Of course, this analysis assumes the elite and masses of the same society mostly share the same religion.
214 Joseph, Hugh, and Jonathan Bryan, all of a wealthy colonial planter family in South Carolina, were such idealists. See Alan Gallay, "The Origins of Slaveholders' Paternalism: George Whitefield, the Bryan Family, and the Great Awakening in the South," Journal of Southern History 53 (Aug. 1987): 383-88.
215 Brent, Incidents, p. 69.
216 See Winthrop D. Jordan, The White Man's Burden: Historical Origins of Racism in the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 91-92.
217 Kemble mentions the two models. Journal, pp. 71-72, 131. Freedwoman Jenny Proctor of Alabama for a while believed she had no afterlife based upon what one white preached to blacks on her plantation because "we didn't have no way finding out different. We didn't see no Bibles." Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 91.
218 Kemble, Journal, p. 131; Gallay, "Origins of Slaveholders' Paternalism," 380-81. See also Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 185; Paul C. Palmer, "Servant into Slave: The Evolution of the Legal Status of the Negro Laborer in Colonial Virginia," South Atlantic Quarterly 65 (summer 1966):360-61; Jordan, White Man's Burden, pp. 89, 97, 98.
219 Note the local clergy’s timidity with the one-time overseer of Kemble's husband's estates, who opposed church gatherings off or even on the plantations he managed. Kemble, Journal, pp. 267-68.
220 Kemble, Journal, p. 91; Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, pp. 25-26; Brent, Incidents, pp. 70-71; Armstrong, Old Massa's People, pp. 225-27; Blassingame, Slave Community, pp. 84-89; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, pp. 207-9.
221 Botkin, Lay My Burden Down, p. 118; Bassett, Plantation Overseer, pp. 14-15 (Lunsford Lane); Stampp, Peculiar Institution, pp. 158-59; Robert Starobin, "Disciplining Industrial Slaves in the Old South," Journal of Negro History, 53 (April 1968): 113.
Of course, Catholicism itself (especially) is a syncretistic combine of the Roman Empire's religions, Jewish beliefs, and doctrines specifically originating from Jesus of Nazareth and Paul. Easter and Christmas were substituted for the Passover and Day of Atonement, Sunday for Saturday, the saints and Mary replaced the gods of the pantheon concerning each having specific control of various natural processes affecting humanity, etc.
223 For Brazil, note Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 180. In some areas where organized Voodoo emerged, such as southern Louisiana, the African side of the combine was fully dominant, or even all that was present. Blassingame, Slave Community, 41; Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, 217, 220.