Abraham Lincoln Papers
Document: Joseph Butler to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 1861
Bethlehem Penna. Jany 10th 1861
Prompted by Sentiments of High Esteem and Proper Regards for you as a Citizen of this Republic, And more Especially towards you as the future Exponent of our Cherished Principles as a Great Party who have Selected you to Carry forward the Principles of Human Progress and Human Liberty And to vindicate the Rights of the Different Sections of this Great Confederacy of States. And I trust Deeply Imbued with a Spirit of Patriotism and love of County, as I am who Inherited from my Revolutionary Sires the spirit of 76 as some of that Blood Courses through my veins to day, with these Brief Prelimineries I take the Liberty of Addressing you.
That an Emergency has been forced upon us by political Demagogues & Arch Traitors to our Glorious Union who Doubts it., and that Insanity and Monomania has seized the minds of the Southern Politicians and the Poison’d Chalice has been transfered to the Lips of the Common People And Treason in High Places has become Rampant, and Treasonable designs towards our Government are daily being Developed, the Southern Press and Forum are teeming with Tokens foreboding Glum Anarchy & Confusion False Prophets are abundant volunteering to Predict the Downfall of our Glorious Fabric of Government, How True the Language of Solomon “When the Wicked Rule the Land mourns But when the Righteous are in Authority the People Rejoice,” or “Righteousness Exalteth a Nation But Sin is the Reproach of any People,” And as this “Beloved Land of ours has always been under the Auspices of the Almighty as this is fully shown from our Early History and through the History of the Revolution and War of 1812. When God directed the mind of a Washington a Hancock an Adams a Henry and a Jackson and a Clay to Contend Successfully for our Rights in the face of Superior foes and Recently the Case of a Noble Anderson1 was under the supervision of that Ever watchful and vigilant Eye that neither Sleeps nor Slumbers to Guard our National Rights and Honor, thus Disappointing such Traitors as Cobb & Floyd2 and their Coadjutors in treason, and so it will Ever be, when God Maintains the Rights our Battles will be fought Successfully for us, The virtuous will he protect as he did Luther in the Reformation with the other Early Pioneers of Truth while such Men as Burr, Arnold and Bully Brooks3 Shall Perish from the Earth. “‘Mark it’” the day of Retribution is near at Hand for such men as Gov. Wise, Young, Jeff. Davis Keitt Toombs Wigfall, Floyd Cobb & Thompson4 and all such Traitors and perjured office holders Poor Buchanan I Pity his Embicility and Feebleness for the Position he now fills I trust we ne’er shall see his like again,
1 Robert Anderson
2 Howell Cobb and John B. Floyd
3 Aaron Burr, Benedict Arnold and Congressman Preston Brooks of South Carolina.
4 Henry Wise, Jefferson Davis, Lawrence Keitt, Robert A. Toombs, Louis Wigfall, John B. Floyd, Howell Cobb and Jacob Thompson
I am Praying that God may Preserve your life & Health and that you may Go up to Washington fully anointed with with the Oil of Gods Grace as was King David with the Holy oil by Samuel (not Catholick oil) and be Strong in Manly Courage and Prudence & Wisdom as David and Solomon was to Bring to nought the Schemes of Plotting Traitors, & be like General Jackson who made Calhouns neck feel Rather uneasy. I am a Citizen of what is Known as the old Tenth Legion in Penna where the Democracy has never been Beaten. But the Entire Democracy is now up against such Treason as Toombs and Davis uttered in Congress the other day-- The principles put forth in our Chicago Platform are all Correct as Proclaimed to the world and all the Civilized world are looking to us as the Great Beacon Light and Grand Palladium of Human Liberty, our Motto I trust is onward and Progressive and we Cannot now afford to Repudiate our Principles the Principles that God in Creation’s morn flung forth as an Ensign to future Generations of Men. that all men were Created free and Equal in Respect to Human Liberty, I am Glad I Know so much about you through my Friend Gov. Pollock5 who Introduced your Character to the people of Penna during the Canvass. and as an Entire Stranger I wish you to pardon this letter of Mine. I feel Glad that your selection of a Cabinet is Considered Good here I am an old line Henry Clay Whig. and would say your Selection of the Hon. Simon Cameron is the best you Could make for Treasury Department from this or any other State I think he is fully Equal to Nicholas Biddle in financial affairs and will prove to you a safe and wise counsellor in all things let no faction Drive you from this appointment Gov. Reeder6 and Gov Pollock Both my Neighbors & Friends are valuable and Able Statesmen and Jurists, Give my Kind Regards to Mrs Lincoln I understand she is a praying woman tell her I will join her prayers for your Prosperity and trust God will be Your Wisdom and Strength in your Administration and that the Glorious Sun of Liberty may never Set But Shine on till its Rays has Penetrated through all Lands--
5 James Pollock
6 Andrew H. Reeder
Your Sincere Friend
Document: Cassius M. Clay to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 1861
Jan. 10. 1861.
Having yesterday received a letter from a friend that he had it from “a reliable source” that the Hon. Daniel Buck had said to you in Springfield that if I was “appointed Secretary of War, that the State of Kentucky would secede from the union”-- I wrote in explanation to Jos. W. Barrett1 Esq. the Editor of the Cincinnati Gazette, my personal friend, (who made enquiries of my personal status in connection with that office) and requested him to write to you in regard to the report.
1 ID: Joseph H. Barrett, editor of the Cincinnati Gazette and a delegate to the 1860 Republican National Convention, was appointed Commissioner of Pensions by Lincoln in 1861.
Upon reflection last night I concluded that the most manly and prudent course would be to write to you at once, myself.
In the campaign of 1856, that post was generally awarded me in case of success. In a most numerous audience at Chicago, Jno Wentworth in a formal way named me in that connection, and, the suggestion was received with enthusiastic applause and such were the indications everywhere. Again the same evidence of popular will were evinced in a more decided form during the present canvass. These expressions of confidence found their way into the public prints: and until a very late hour, no such extraordinary spectacle was seen, as a man seeking no office, being publicly attacked by his own party press, because his claims for promotion had been in the thoughts of the people! I have made five campaigns, beginning with my voting to nominate Genl Harrison in 1840; and also voting for the nomination, and doing more to attain it than any man in America, of Genl Taylor; both of whom were elected; yet I never asked an office -- of Harrison because I did not desire it -- of Taylor, because I did not feel that I could honorably accept it, because of his platform. In the success of the party, which you represent, I did feel that my long though humble services, did entitle me to a portion of the controling interest in the administration of its destiny. In view of these facts, and your letter to me of May 26’ 1860 in response to my offer of personal service in the canvass, in which you were pleased to say “I shall in the canvass, and especially afterwards, if the result shall devolve the administration upon me, need the support of all the talent, popularity, and courage, North and South, which is in the party &c.” I quietly have awaited events -- feeling that it would be supererogatory and indelicate to address you upon the subject: and I have again and again absolutely refused and forbidden any and all persons for to trespass in on your time, with my suit. Nor should I have pursued a different course, if the data had been different. Because, in the first place, my own self respect would forbid me to ask an office from any man: and because I have ever felt that a cabinet office should depend upon the feeling as well at the judgement of the Executive: though party advice might well come in as to other appointments. I confess then that I was surprised to find from the papers, speaking seemingly by authority, that my name had been passed over in silence. I should be less than a man, if I did not keenly feel the fact that -- whereas I had for a great principle cut myself and family off from all honorable ambition of elevation from my own countrymen, in my own commonwealth, -- throwing myself upon the magnanimity of those whom they regarded as natural enemies -- I find myself ignored; and thus censured and deserted by them also! Still remembering who I am, I should have digested my mortification, and the triumph of my enemies, in proud silence, had I not feared that treachery had overshadowed my prospects!
Under these circumstances I wrote to Mr Barrett -- perhaps it were better that I had not. But Daniel Buck is not and never has been my friend -- his son having married my niece, I have been disposed to bury the tomahawk. But this is not the first time he has stood in my path! In ‘48 he said publicly in Lexington, I would not get fifty votes in Madison -- yet I got near 700 -- more than Governor Powell -- upon the issue of straight out emancipation! Now he says my appointment to the place of secretary of war would drive Ky. into Secession!
So far from such being the fact: if I had been allowed, I think I could have shown, that no northern man in the Union would have given more confidence to the administration in the “union” states, than myself -- and I should have been a terror to traitors only! It is true I have deadly enemies -- but they are confined to this locality. I have heard from all parts confidence that I would regard all the rights of the South; with the reflection that they could rely upon me to “do what I said I would do.” I believe I could have gotten the friendly voice of every union Editor (whose name was any worth,) in the state. Whilst my relatives and friends, B. J. Clay, Mad. C. Johnson President of the Northern Bank, Judge Wm C. Goodloe, Col: Hodges, late Editor of the Ky. Commonwealth: Col: Jno. M. Finnell of Covington, and hosts of leading men, have been the most effective to keep Ky. where she now is -- in favor of the Union -- unless by false movements she shall be precipitated into the ruin, which she sees and would gladly avoid!
But it is now too late! Still I felt it due to myself to set you right upon that issue. It is not of your decision, but the means used to influence it, of which I complain. I threw out in my short correspondence with you a few hints intended not so much to influence your course, as to see that I squared my declarations in the canvass with your views. You made no dissent. I stood there -- I still stand there -- though death or exile be the forfeit! The influences of entreaty and menace which have been brought to bear to induce me to compromise, are incredible! But what might bring safety and popularity to me, would have brought demoralization and ruin to the party, and our principles, North and South; and perhaps forever! I know the South: -- “conciliation” will never save the Union! You will find the mixed element, which you have introduced, in the Messrs. Scott, Graham &c., will destroy not only unity of will, which is necessary in “Troublous times” -- but inspire courage in your enemies by distracting your own! But I have said enough -- I dare not to have said less. God knows that I am the last person on earth who would desire the force and success of the party be jeoparded by personal ambition. Let me -- let every man perish -- but let this union with the Liberties of this people live! But if I was fit for the place -- then I should have been judged only by my own merits, and your individual feelings--, nothing should have been yielded to clamor -- nothing to a false policy -- which must ever destroy any party or any cause; which offers the rewards of triumph as a premium -- to meaness of spirit, and indifference to principle, and personal cowardice!
A few words as to the future. The papers say, and I have it from private sources, pretending to be reliable, that you propose for me a mission instead of the cabinet appointment, which was talked of-- I know of Course nothing of your designs -- the same causes which have influenced you in the one case -- if no such representations as alluded to have actually occured, -- may influence you as to myself altogether: and I may be anticipating such offers as you do not design making: but if such is your intent, there are but two places more, that I can accept, one of the mission to England, or France. My family is large, and my two daughters and one son are just grown -- and my only motive to leave home would be to place them in such social entercourse as their ages make necessary -- at either of these courts that association could take place -- not elsewhere!
Pardon this my full and frank statement of personal matters -- without regard to myself or yourself I shall stand by the principles of the party -- the Chicago platform -- and give your administration my humble but earnest support. And may God save the Union -- and the Liberties of the people! I am with sentiments of respect,
Your Obt. Svt.
C. M. Clay.
P. S. I believe I can say with truth, the post of secretary of war was named for me by the friends of all the Presidential aspirants -- Bs. Sd. & Chase.
N. B. The uncertainty of the mail, compels me to ask you to acknowledge the receipt of this. C.
Document: Edgar Cowan to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 1861
Greensburgh 10 Jany 1861.
Dear Sir. Having been able to read the general news for the first time, for a few weeks, I think I observe an attempt is made to induce you to place in your cabinet -- Gen Cameron1 of this state as Secry of War. Now without even the slightest wish to dictate in this matter, I can only say, that we are anxiously interested here that the Genl. be put at the head of the Treasury Department. The reasons for this must be obvious to you, and we have no apology to offer for it-- Penna is a Tariff State, and her people are a unit or nearly so, in the belief that if her labor was for a time protected by discriminating duties, capital would invest itself permanently in her mines and manufactories, and that there with her extraordinary advantages over every other country, instead of enhancing, she would cheapen her peculiar products to the world. To achieve this she thinks it due to her position, that one of her public men thoroughly comprehending her interests should have such place in your councils as would guarantee for them the consideration they deserve. I might also suggest that with Gen Cameron in the Treasury she would concede more to her sister states than in the case of any other, in whom she could not be supposed to have such unbounded confidence
1 Simon Cameron
I will endeavor to pay you a quiet visit in a few days2 -- and if you have an hour to spare I hope to state to you fairly the condition of things prevailing here. Living in a Border State, with over 300 miles of Southern frontier, and understanding as we think we do the crisis now upon us, we are intensely desirous to consolidate to ourselves in every quarter, and upon as many issues as possible-- If we are to have war during your Administration, we want the hearty co-operation of the Democrats of the mines and work shops & to secure in their faith in our willingness to protect them must not be shaken-- Cameron in the Treasury would give great assurance to them in this behalf
2 Cowan and John P. Sanderson visited Lincoln on January 13.
Document: James R. Doolittle to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 1861
My position here among all our friends is such that I hear on all sides. Having no wish but for the good of the country and as the best means of attaining it, the success of your administration I write you now to inform you of the state of feeling among our friends here.
While some object to Mr Seward,1 the great majority will acquiesce and look with favor upon his being Secretary of State But the rumor that Mr Cameron2 was to go into the Cabinet also, from Mr Weed’s3 relations to Gov Seward and his financial relations with Mr Cameron gave great and painful apprehensions, lest a certain class of Jobbers & speculators might come too near the Treasury, lest Albany & Harrisburg corruptions would be transferred to Washington We have overcome our political adversaries by shoring up their corruptions. We must not be suspected. The name of Mr Chase4 in connexion with the Treasury gives much better satisfaction.
1 Lincoln had tendered William H. Seward the office of secretary of state.
2 Simon Cameron
3 Thurlow Weed
4 Salmon P. Chase
Mr Bates5 is well received Let me suggest two names Major Anderson,6 for the War Department Commodore Hiram Paulding7 for the Navy.
5 Edward Bates
6 Robert Anderson
7 ID: Hiram Paulding had a naval career that spanned over a half century. A veteran of the War of 1812, Paulding was in command of the sqaudron that captured William Walker in 1857. Paulding was in charge of the evacuation of the Norfolk navy yard in April 1861 and was widely criticized for his handling of the situation. Though he officially retired from active service in December 1861, Paulding continued to serve as director of the NewYork naval yard until 1865.
These men are made of the right stuff and will be received with universal enthusiasm Anderson you know well. Paulding a son of Paulding who captured Andre, the glorious old Commodore who performed his duty so well in seizing the Fillibusters that this administration lay them has thrust him aside. We want men of deeds, in these times. These appointments in these times would rouse the enthusiasm of the Country. It is not in old politicians that you must seek all your advisers in these such revolutionary times.
Pardon me for this frank, unasked suggestion. It comes from my heart and is expressed entirely in confidence.
Your southern members might then be Anderson, Bates, and Blair8 for the Interior, say,
8 Montgomery Blair
M. Blair Interior
Bates Atty Genl.
&c &c &c
I do not doubt that the names of these two men I have suggested at this juncture would give a power and a popularity which no other names would give at this time.
But it may be best that you do not fully determine at present. The Cotton States are in a revolution. The Contagion is spreading through all the slave states like an epidemic.
If Virginia joins I think Maryland will join also. They will in that event with their organized forces unite to drive us from the Capitol before the 4th of March Treason & Imbecility have so long presided at the White House; it stalks openly in the Senate, every day; the men who lead the treason against the government, remain in high places, as long as they can, to negotiate the surrender to traitors; the disease is so deep seate seated that it must run its course.
No compromise would stay it. An offer to do so would be treated with contempt as wrung from our fears.
If under the threat of secession, we now yield, we are slaves, forever slaves.
For one I will not consent, though the grave should open this very hour. If God so wills it, that we must drink of the cup of civil war be it so.
I will fight for the constitution, & its supremacy -- for liberty -- and equality -- and under it to the bitter end, and, I will never consent that it shall be made a slavery extending constitution come what may.
If Mr. Seward as we now anticipate or rather as we now fear shall go for a compromise to surrender the free territories acquired or to be acquired from Mexico to slavery, it will force upon you another question whether your whole Cabinet shall not be reconstructed from top to bottom He speaks on Saturday He speaks We shall see
J. R. Doolittle
Document: Thomas S. Edwards, Sr. to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 1861
Sheffield Bureau Co Jan the 10” 1861
Lincoln I got my old horse shod yesterday, I thought I would come to Springfield to see you, but after sleeping all knight the cogetations of my head was troubled, and I awoke and low. If I was to travel through the cold to Springfield I could have no satisfaction with you, for you are surounded continually by a class of minds that cares for nothing but office, and would sacrifice you or Jesus or any body else, and what few honest men there is left in the land has to stand back I would be mighty glad to see you-- you may have forgotten what I told you the 20 day of last January, a standing on your stair steps, or at least my answer to my your question. if you have forgot I have not, and here is the question, you asked me in your friendly good manner, Tom tell me whether your Spirits says I will be Nominated for President or not, I told you in my bold independent manner that as certain as you lived, you would be Anominated and Elected President, but you never would take the Chair in peace,
Now O Lincoln it is all fulfilled to the letter of the law, and now I ask you as an honest man, to write to me and tell me what you think of my prophecy, if I will come to Springfield whether I can get to see you alone one hour.
O Lincoln I still hope our country will not be distroyed, but I see awful danger of weeping and wailing and nashing of teeth, this is from your true friend that wants no Office from the Presidents Chair to the fourth corporal, nor never will hold
Thomas S. Edwards, Sen
N B Please tell me whether Baker will be to Springfield till the first of Feb
Please tell me how Stewert stands in Politics now.
Please tell me how Old Arch Heringdon stands in Politics.
Document: John T. Hogeboom to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 
New York Jany 10th 18611
1 Hogeboom misdated the letter.
U S. Apps Office
Your note, enclosing communications relating to the removal of Mr Meade as an examiner in this Department, has just been received, and I hasten, to say so much in reply, as seems to me proper.2
2 Abraham B. Meade, an old friend of Lincoln, was removed as a clerk in the New York Customs House. On January 8, 1862, Lincoln wrote to Hiram Barney and asked him to look into the matter. See Collected Works, V, 93. Barney referred the matter to Hogeboom. See Barney to Lincoln, January 16, 1862.
The removal of Mr Meade was made only after a careful and mature inquiry and examination of his case. You know that the policy upon which we have acted, has been, not to make indiscriminate removals in this Department, upon political considerations alone. The Departments at Washington have set us an example certainly of making some removals; and if any at all were to be made, then Mr Meade must have fallen among the first. Not one consideration beyond that of sympathy for a superannuated man, could be urged for his retention. It would seem improper to give you or any one, reasons of a confidential nature, which might (and so properly) bear upon our minds in the investigation of each individual case. We are responsible for the exercise of a discretion in the matter, -- a responsibility that ceases of course, with the suspension of that discretion. Personally it would afford us a great deal of relief to be relieved from that responsibility. We think however, that the efficiency of our Department could not be very well maintained without its exercise, nor the proper functions of our Department be discharged with that power in abeyance. We can only give such general reasons for removal in this instance, as of course you will not expect us, without more authoritative information, that we should make confidential disclosures, which might embarrass the Department, and produce needless injury to the persons effected. We can better understand all the questions which relate to the efficiency and fidelity of incumbents, and of the qualifications of applicants than can any one outside of the Department and at a remote distance from it. If we cannot, then it must be concluded, that we are unfit to hold our places. It follows, therefore, that Mr Davis3 might well have consulted us, before presenting his complaint elsewhere. We have no doubt that our worthy President puts such construction upon the mode of his interference, as appears by his communication.
3 George T.M. Davis
For information, generally, I would state, that the place rendered vacant by Mr Meade’s removal is now filled by Mr Charles W. Graves, (known I believe to the President himself, and certainly by his intimate friend Judge Davis of Illinois and brother of the Mr Davis now of this city and protestant in this case. He was an original Lincoln man, and was present at the Chicago convention, working zealously and effectively for the nomination of Mr Lincoln. He has contributed largely of time and money for the cause, in whose triumphs, has resulted in the inauguration of our present excellent Administration. He has been, and is the Chairman of the King’s County Cen. Rep. Com, and as such has more than any other man contributed, in that Dem. locality, to the nearly unanimous vote in favor of our late Rep. Union state ticket. He is, beyond all comparison with Mr Meade, capable in his position, and besides a man in his position in community, making and shaping public opinion. He is one, of whom to unite with the civil force of this administration, for the present and the future, it seemed to us, in every way desirable. We were especially guided in our action in this particular instance by our devotedness to the general interest of this Administration, of the disposing of the question of special fitness and qualification. Hoping that our answer will be considered as sufficient,
Yours very respectfully,
Jno. T. Hogeboom
Document: Josiah M. Lucas to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 1861
House Post Office -- Washington D. C
Jany 10. 1861
My dear friend
I know you will excuse me for trenching upon your time to read my awkward, off hand notes. But I realy feel as though I ought to write.
The questions mostly discussed here is, first the great probability that the country is going to pieces, and as I was just now told by Boetler,1 of Va. that hope for even Virginia had almost expired. Such sentiments, however, seems to be almost universal in and out of Congress. Consternation and grief seems to be settling upon the countenances of the entire “border slave state” Representatives. They implore in tears, for something upon which to stand, else they are crushed beneath the wheels of the Jaugernaut car. 1 ID: Alexander R. Boteler was a member of Congress (1859-61) from Virginia who served on Stonewall Jackson’s staff during the Civil War.
They tell me that, they as individuals, have full faith that, in your administration no encroachments will be made upon any rights of either section, but they can’t make their people believe it. I greatly fear that trouble is inevitable
I have taken the liberty of writing to my old friend Hicks,2 Gov. of Maryland, by whose side I was born and raised to stand firm, in fact, he asked me to write him. I know that he is undergoing a terrible pressure, and it is even probable that the speaker of the House of delegates and the President of the Senate will call the legislature together -- if so, one of their first acts will be to pass an act putting the routs of travel under martial law.
2 Thomas Hicks
The second great question under discussion in the various circles including all classes, is about the cabinet. The latest slate is Smith of Indiana for the Interior, and Scott of Va. for the Navy &c. All sides speak well of Scott -- but the appointment of Smith, has awakened the reminiscenses of Galphinism3 and Gardnerism.4 You remember that Smith, Evans of Maine &c, composed that celebrated Board on Mexican indemnities, who passed sundry claims that the country, with general acclaim pronounced against -- whilst the skirts of the Board were by many believed to be unclean. I merely give you the talk, even amongst many of our own party friends high in the Synagogue, of course you will know how to appreciate it
3 ID: The Galphin Claim, which dated back to the 1770s, caused a scandal during the presidency of Zachary Taylor. Though the actual Galphin Claim was paid during Polk’s presidency, the decision to pay interest on the claim was made by the Taylor administration. The scandal arose because Secretary of War George Crawford and other members of Taylor’s cabinet were believed to have financially benefited from the payment of the interest on the claim. The scandal broke just before Taylor’s death and there is reason to believe Taylor was planning a wholesale change in cabinet officers as a result of the affair.
4 ID: Andrew Gardiner was awarded over $400,000 by a commission established under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. In 1852, the Senate investigated the payment to Gardiner and concluded the claim was fraudulent.
I am writing with forty thousand around me. I want to say many other things but have no chance to-day. I think that I shall venture another letter soon
Yours as ever
J. M. Lucas
Document: Cortlandt Parker to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 18611
1 ID: John Cortlandt Parker was a prominent New Jersey lawyer and one of the organizers of the Republican Party in his state.
Newark N. J. Jany. 10. 1861
I trust it is not presumptuous in one who has been an ardent supporter of the candidate and principles of the Republican party at the late Presidential Election, and a Clay Whig from boyhood, the first advocate at any public meeting in New Jersey, too, of your Election, to say one word respecting the construction of your cabinet. At this time of all others, is it desirable that perfect public confidence should be secured in the ability, trustworthiness and judgment of that important Council The selection of Mr. Cameron2 will not, I think, inspire that confidence. He is not thought to possess sagacity as a statesman, nor does he stand high otherwise. I do not know him, but speak, confidentially of course, of his reputation. The selection of Mr. Wilmot3 would be taken, now, to be too ultra in its character. Why should not New Jersey be considered? She has two men in prominent position, than whom no better can be found anywhere & none abler -- none more judicious or trustworthy -- none more universally so regarded. Nominate Wm. L. Dayton or Wm. Pennington,4 and the whole North and all the Union men of the South will feel an infusion of new confidence in the wisdom honesty and patriotism of your administration Permit me to hope that one or the other will receive this appointment at your hands--
2 Simon Cameron
3 David Wilmot
4 ID: William Pennington, a Whig politician from New Jersey, served as governor of his state (1837-43) and was a one-term member of Congress (1859-61).
I have the honour to remain
Sir, Your obdt. Servt
Document: G. Rush Smith to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 1861
Harrisburg Jan 10th 1861
It is said that Mr Chase1 of Ohio will probably be selected as Secretary of the Treasury, and that Free trade politicians of New York, together with certain reckless men in this state are urging his appointment. If this be true as to Pennsylvanians I hesitate not to say that they dare not do it openly. If they did, they would be consigned to eternal infamy
1 Salmon P. Chase
No Pennsylvanian can support a free trade man and survive, nor can any Senator from this state vote for the confirmation of a free trade man to that post without incurring the displeasure of his constituents to such an extent as to render his retiracy to private life certain. I know that certain men in our state (of whom you cannot be ignorant) would sacrifice Pennsylvania interests to gain their own private & sinister ends. But I hope their councils will be unheeded. The most cruel thing that could be done to our state would be the selection of a man for the Treasury Department with antecedents such as Mr Chase has on the question of a tariff. I speak plainly because I have nothing to ask of you for myself. I want nothing except to regard our most vital interests and to enable us in this state to sustain your administration
G Rush Smith
Document: Truman Smith to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 1861
New York City 49 Wall St Jany 10th 1861
My Dear Sr
As the composition of your cabinet is understood to be settled at least so far as the prominent members are concerned I ask leave to address you on what I believe will be your position on accession to office particularly with a view to advert to the elements on which I think your success as chief magistrate of the country will depend If I had the slightest reason to believe that there is any danger of your giving an unfavorable construction to the motives which prompt this communication I certainly should with hold my pen but it seems to me there is no presumption in my assuming the fact to be otherwise
The past history of the country proves conclusively that there is nothing which takes such a stronghold of the affections and confidence of all classes of our People as a bold decided & resolute course on the part of the President in the discharge of all his duties The case of Genl Jackson is proof conclusive of the truth of this remark and while I do not doubt you will display all those qualities in the treatment of great questions such as secession yet you will pardon a true friend for expressing some apprehension lest thro diffidence modesty & from other causes you should not do yourself justice and should be disposed to give more weight to the opinions of others than they merit. I presume you will not think it my purpose to flatter you when I say I am geting every day evidence that as a citizen of firmness & rectitude you have the public confidence and it is no longer than last night that a highly respectable Democrat of this city (who I have every reason to believe can control many votes) told me that if you would put yourself at the head of the Government a la Jackson he would support your administration. To this end it is necessary not only that you should occupy that position in fact but that you should appear to occupy it. The People must believe it is so or it is nothing While Secretaries should be treated with respect defference and their opinions properly appreciated I hope you will take all questions of appointment into your own hands and dispose of them in conformity accordance with your own judgment and conformity with what you believe to be true interests of the Country. We can not any of us forget that the administration of Genl Taylor was Galphin-ized and Gardiner-ized1 and that the politics of the Country have become demoralized & corrupt to the last degree I presume you will think that more reference should be had to ability & rectitude than to mere party services No man has ever been elevated to the Presidency under anything like the dangers and difficulties which will surround you on your advent to Washington and I pray the great Dispensor of all good to preserve your life and to make your administration all that the good men of the country can desire. With sentiments of respect and esteem believe me to be as ever your faithful friend
1 References to the Galphin Claim and Gardiner Award.
Document: F. S. Stumbaugh to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 1861
Chambersburg Jany 10. 1861
Being a stranger to you I hope you will pardon me for obtruding these few lines upon one who I know must be weary reading loads of letters that reach you, by every mail, being intimately acquainted with the Hon Simon Cameron & seeing in the daily papers of New York & Philadelphia that any appointment confered by you, upon him, or about to be tendered him, is bitterly opposed by Col A K McClure,1 State Senator from this district, and a resident of this place, of course some weight would be given by strangers to the fact that Mr McClure was chairman of the Republican Executive Committee of this State, but with those who understand how he received that position, & know the man, little if any favor would be given to any opposition he might make, against any upright honest man, I do not desire to say much in relation to Col A K MClure & his confederates in the opposition to the preferment of him in the whom the Republican party of this County & of the State as far as I have any knowledge, have the utmost confidence, but thought it my duty to put you on your guard, by sending you a copy of Charges Published in a Newspaper called, The Valley Spirit of our place while Col A K MC was asking the nomination for state senator, & upon the promise that he would clear himself of the charges, by prosecuting the Editors & Publishers, he was nominated, after his nomination, he did commence a prosecution, & had them indicted upon our & part of an other of the charges therein but after his election the cases were nol prosd by his consent. the article to which I refer is headed, Another Shot from heavy Peg & the parts for which he prosecuted, are marked by drawing lines around the