Black intellectualism has been coopted by the elite—creating political and economic opportunity is the only way to solve
Reed 71 (Adolph L., professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania, “Marxism and Nationalism in Latin America”, Social Theory and Practice 1:4, Fall 1971, JSTOR)//AS
In obeisance to the spirit of Mills my own biases, which are definitely and actively with both the Black Nationalist position and the Marxian analytical method, must be made clear. Such biases are inevitable, and any attempt to deny them can be only charlatan- ry, no matter what Robert Dahl and Talcott Parsons might argue. Black intellectuals, students and academics cannot afford to be sucked in by the elitist, systems-maintenance ideology of professional Social Scientism. Subscription to the mythology flowing from notions of "science qua science" can only be silly coming from men and women who are allowed no control over the institutions which define their humanity and determine their destiny, who can at any time be shot clown on the streets or herded into concen- tration camps. They cannot evaluate the racist, imperialistic war in Vietnam only in terms of its functionality as abstract foreign policy when they and their families provide the cannon fodder, and they cannot prattle about minimization of social conflict be cause for them and for all Afro-Americans that simply means the continuation and refinement of our colonization. On the contrary, black intellectuals and academics have a responsibility to them selves and to their people to use whatever skills they may possess first and always in accordance with the dictates of the libera- tion struggle. Within the purview of this responsibility, social science must be seen as demonstrating functionality in no way other than as a tool to be used in the light to decolonize millions of Afroamericans. its value-direction must come from a desire to seize, develop, and create political, economic, cultural and social institutions relevant to black experience and black necessities, and to construct a theoretical grounding for the activist groups and individuals operating in Afroamerica (which entails for the intellec- tuals the development of an Afroamerican praxis). Only in this way will the Afroamer- ican radical movement develop a truly com- prehensive and revolutionary ideology, and in no other way will the internal contradic- tions which debilitate that movement be resolved. This essay is hoped to be a small step toward a synthesis which only the intellectuals can complete.
Privileged groups must take initiative in combatting racism—a multiracial anticapitalist uprising is the only way to solve
Crass 2000 (Chris, organizer and writer working to build powerful working class-based, feminist, multiracial movements for collective liberation, “Beyond the Whiteness – Global Capitalism and White Supremacy: thoughts on movement building and anti-racist organizing”, http://www.kersplebedeb.com/mystuff/books/collectiveliberation/beyond.html)//AS
The other major aspect of ‘how can we get more people of color to join our group’ is the idea that anti-racist consciousness develops through osmosis – i.e. that if white people sit in the same room as people of color, we will begin to understand how white supremacy operates and therefore we won’t really need to talk about it. We need to be clear that multiracial doesn’t automatically mean anti-racist. The US military is multiracial in composition, but clearly serves the interests of imperialism and white supremacy. Similarly, an anti-racist group of whites can work to end white supremacy. What we are envisioning is a consciously anti-racist and multiracial movement against global capitalism. It is absolutely true that white people learn about racism through interactions and relationships with people of color. But in terms of how we plan to do this work in activism, our goal cannot be to bring in people of color and expect that they will school us. Organizers of color have enough work already. In our pursuit to get educated, we need to go to more events and actions organized by people of color and show support, listen and learn. We need to read the amazing writers that are out there. We can pay attention to how the system works (when we are in jail, in court, in classrooms, at work and on the street). We can build relationships and learn from each other. But, just as men cannot expect women to educate them about sexism and heteros cannot expect queers to give them the homophobia 101 class whenever it is deemed appropriate, white people have a responsibility to work on racism together and not just wait until a person of color brings it up. Here’s an example of this kind of dynamic. Men in Food Not Bombs (the group I’ve worked with) would often talk about sexism in terms of how can we get more women taking on more responsibility and create equal power. The conversations would sometimes turn to questions like, How can we check our behavior that is preventing women from taking on responsibility? And, What kind of internal culture do we have and how does it privilege men and keep women down? These conversations about what men should do were very useful – as men should worry less about what women are and aren’t doing and think more about what they as men are and aren’t doing. The women in the group are just as capable, just as responsible, just as intelligent, once men stop occupying all of the space and learn to share power. Men worrying less about appeasing women and more about ending sexism is what must happen. This is how we need to think about racism. Too often I hear white activists talk about why more people of color aren’t in the group – as opposed to whether or not we really have an understanding of how deeply racism impacts the issues we’re working on and whether or not there are organizations and activists of color already working on these issues so that we can form working relationships.