207 RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA HeBring
representative of the archbishop Albert, and on the death of that prelate in the same year he acted as incumbent of the see till the election of a successor. The emperor, who considered him useful for the execution of his ecclesiastical policy in Germany, in the summer of 1547 summoned him to Ulm. Herding appeared at the Augsburg diet, where he was honored with the commission of preaching in the cathedral during the sessions of the diet. In 1548 he published at Ingolstadt his fifteen sermons on the mass which have been counted as among the most notable contributions of the sixteenth century to the subject. They gave rise to a lively controversy in which Helding found himself assailed by Flacius, who demolished his arguments for the early character of the sacrament. Helding made no attempt to defend the untenable position he had assumed. In 1548 he returned to Mainz and devoted himself to the task of introducing the Interim in the Nassau region, and to his duties in connection with the higher administration of the Church. From him emanated the great catechism of Main, the Institutio ad pietatem Christianam (1549), also a compendium intended for the use of the pages at the court of Mainz. The books were assailed by Wigand and by Flacius, and Helding may have been right in discerning that one of the causes of the virulence to which he was subjected was his nomination by the emperor to the chapter at Merseburg as a candidate for the vacant see. The chapter was in difficulty between the imperial candidate and the candidate proposed by Maurice of Saxony, Julius Pflug. In spite of Maurice's utmost endeavor, Helding, in May, 1549, was chosen bishop by a reluctant chapter. The papal confirmation was not obtained till April of the following year; meanwhile the affairs of the see were conducted by Prince George of Anbalt; on surrendering the office to Helding in December the prince exacted the promise that he would attempt no change in the established doctrine, enter on no reforms without the consent of the entire chapter, and follow a policy of conciliation toward the married priests. Prince George remained in Merseburg to watch over the fortunes of the church under its new bishop, and when the latter, after the first period of caution was over, seemed about to enter on a process looking to the reestablishment of the old authority, Maurice intervened and compelled him to abstain from all open attack on the Reformed faith. Helding attempted by friendly means to win over the clergy; he installed Catholic priests in his cathedral, introduced Catholic ceremonial, and from the cathedral pulpit preached indirectly against the Protestant " sect." The break between Maurice and the emperor and the sudden change in public affairs that followed convinced him of the hopelessness of attempting to restore the Catholic faith in his town. He could not prevent his clergy from applying for ordination to the consistory of Leipsic, and one of them assumed virtual control of the diocese. He nevertheless managed to confer many benefits upon the see by his wise administration and charitable labors. In 1555 he was present at the Diet of Augsburg, and two years later he played a most important part at the Conference of Worms, where, with Pflug and
Canisius, he headed the Catholic deputation. He
brought confusion into the ranks of the Protestants
by demanding from them a statement of their posi
tion as to the doctrine of Calvin and Zwingli regard
ing the Lord's Supper, that of Osiander concerning
justification, and that of Flacius regarding the free
dom of the will and good works. The last point
gave rise to the violent controversy between the
Jena theologians and the Philippists, and led to the
secession of the party of Flacius and the failure of
the conference, a result which delighted the Cath
he was exceedingly adept in expressing his opinions
in words that often proved acceptable to the
Protestants. In his sermons at Merseburg he shows
respect for the authority of the Scriptures and a
general conception of the nature of the priestly
office and of the relations between priest and lay
man that reveal the acute and experienced apologist
speaking to an audience whose sympathies were
Evangelical. (G. KAwERAu.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: There is a biography by M. Winter in Mib theilunpen Bee Vereine /fir Geschirhts and Alterthumekunde in Hohenwllern, av (1881 82), 1 15; of. N. Paulus, in Hatholik, 11 (1894). 410 eqq., 481 eqq.
HELDRING, OTTO GERHARDT:Founder of the Inner Mission in the Netherlands; b. at Zevenaar (8. m. s.e. of Arnhem), Gelderland, May 17, 1804; d. at Marienbad (38 m. n.w. of Pilsen), Bohemia, July 11, 1876. In his university studies he displayed a decided preference for history and political economy over theology, but accepted, nevertheless, in 1826, a call to the pastorate of Hemmen, a little village of 150 inhabitants. There his bent for practical sociology was not slow in manifesting itself. The life of the peasantry attracted him; the causes and problems of poverty, with its effect on the physical and moral being of the community, were made the subjects of careful investigations, the results of which he published with the object of arousing a general interest that might lead to the initiation of remedies. The first of his works, " Nature and Man," appeared in 1833, and was followed by a succession of writings published independently or in the form of contributions to periodicals, revealing a charming union of religion, poetry, history, economics, and homely wisdom, expressed in a simple style suitable for the wide audience to which he appealed. With the year 1841 begins the essential activity of his beneficent career. A journey undertaken in that year brought him by chance to the little village of Hoenderloo, whose inhabitants lived in a state of material and spiritual privation that aroused his pity. Through his exertions Hoenderloo was supplied with a well and a school; a church was established soon after, and within a few years Heldring had the satisfaction of witnessing the regeneration of a community. He devoted him
Helena THE NEW SCHAFF HERZOG2013
self next to the cause of temperance, to the relief
of the stricken in the famine years of 1845 46, to
remedial schemes of colonization. At a time when
orthodoxy and public beneficence had no intimate
connection, he succeeded in uniting the propagation
of the Gospel with the distribution of material aid.
In this field he was assisted by the " Assembly of
Christian Friends " of Amsterdam, which included
such men as Capadose, Da Costa, Beets, and Groen
van Prinaterer. But, while no branch of philan
thropy failed to receive his attention, Heldring
devoted his particular efforts to rescue work among
Reims have all claimed to be her final resting place.
The best known legend connected with her is the
invention of the Holy Cross (see CROSS, INvENT1oN
of THE), a tradition told neither by Eusebius nor
by Cyril of Jerusalem, but first by Rufinus, on
whom Socrates, Sozomen, and others based their
accounts. The foundation of the legend is Josephus'
story of the Jewish convert Helena, queen of Adia
bene (Ant. XX., ii., iv. 3), and this tradition was
first transferred to the mother of Constantine in the latter part of the fourth century. Her day is Aug. 14. See CONSTANTINE THE GREAT AND His SONS, I., § 2.
2. A second St. Helena is the Russian Grandprincess Olga, the widow of Igor, who was baptized at Constantinople 955, when she assumed the name of Helena. Her day in the Julian calendar is July 11.
3. A third saint of this name is Helena of Sklifde,
in Sweden, where she was murdered by her noble
kinsmen of West Gothland about 1160, after her
return to Sweden from a pilgrimage. She was
canonized by Alexander III. in 1164, and her
remains are interred on the island of Seeland. Her
cult is restricted to the Scandinavian countries, and
her day is July 31. (ADOLF HARNACg.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1. Sources are: Eusebius, Life of Con8tantine, iii. 41 47; Socrates, Hist. eccl., i. 17 18; Sozomen, Hist. ecd., ii. 1 2; Rufinus, Hisl. eccl., x. 7 8; Theodoret, Hist. eccl., i. 18. The Vita by the cenobite Altmannus (d. 882), with comment, is in ASB, Aug., iii. 548 599. Consult: DeMas Letrie, Hist. de L'ile de Chypre, Paris, 1852 61 (for traditions as to place of her death); Abb6 Lueot, $. Hellne, . . . sa vie, eon culte en Champagne, son suaire d Chdlona, son corps d Paris, Paris, 1877; S. Beissel, in Geschichte der Trierer Kirchen, i. 82 90, 123, 124 131, Trier, 1887; H. V. Sauerland, Trierer Geschichtsquellen, pp. 61 79, 140 sqq., 144 172, ib. 1889; Ceillier, Auteurs aacr6s, iii. 118 119, 143, 579 580, vii. 482 483, viii. 71 72, 114 115, 516, x. 44, xii. 697, xiii. 524 525; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, i. 397 sqy., ii. 211, 290, 455; Neander, Christian Church, ii. 7, 31, 377; DCB, ii. 881885; KL, v. 1735 39.
2. E. Castremont, Hist. de l'introduction du chriatianisme our Is continent russe et la vie de S. Olga, Paris, 1879; KL, v. 1741.
S. ASB, July, vii. 329 333; KL, v. 1739 41.
HELIANDD, THE, AND THE OLD SAXON GEN
ESIS: Until recent times the only Old Saxon Biblical poem known was the harmony of the Gospels called the Heliand, which is found in approximately complete form in two manuscripts, one at Munich (originally in Bamberg) and the other in London. These two manuscripts give a poem of 5,983 verses; Smaller fragments are also found in manuscripts at Prague and in the Vatican, the latter being originally from Mainz, whence it was taken successively to Heidelberg and Rome. As early as 1875 E. Sievers advanced the theory that an interpolation (lines 235 851) in the Anglo Saxon version of Genesis attributed to Cwdmon (q.v.) was taken from an Old Saxon original, and this hypothesis was confirmed when, in 1894, B. Zangemeister discovered in the Vatican manuscript already noted not only the original of the Anglo Saxon passage, but also two other portions of an Old Saxon version of Genesis, giving 617 verses treating of the fall of the evil angels and the fall of man (corresponding to the passage in the Anglo Saxon Genesis), 134 verses of the history of Cain and Abel, and 177 of the fall of Sodom.
The Heliand and Genesis are closely related, both in vocabulary and in formulas; phrases of considerable length occasionally recurring, almost without alteration, in both texts. This is confirmed by the only external authority regarding the text, the Prtv fw do in librum antiquum. lingua Saxonica conscriptum, copied by Flacius Illyricus in 1562 in his Catalogue testium veritatis from a source now lost. Although
909 RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA 8elens
HeIfodoras the value of this document is somewhat diminished
by the fact that the original text has received
legendary interpolations drawn in great measure
from the account of Ceedmon in Bede (Hint. eccl.,
iv. 24; see CASnMON), its statement is at least
authentic that Louis the Pious, who is represented
as still living, " commissioned a certain Saxon, who
was regarded as no ignoble bard by his countrymen,
to translate the Old and New Testaments into the
Germanic torigue." Although this passage evidently
refers .to the Old Saxon Heliand and Genesis, close
investigation shows that the two poems are not by
the same author, as the writer of the Prcefatio sup
posed. The poet of Genesis is far inferior to the
author of the Heliand not only in talent, but also in
diction, style, and meter. The Old Saxon Genesis
must be regarded, therefore, as the work of a direct
imitator, who prepared himself for his task by
careful study of the Heliand, without being able to
equal his predecessor.
According to the Prce f atio, the German people had
" recently " gained direct knowledge of the Scrip
tures through these two poems. The Heliand and
Genesis must, therefore, have been written before
840, while a terminus a quo is given by the fact that
roughly to the decade 825 835, but the place of their
composition is as yet unknown, and there is no
external testimony to decide whether the poet, es
pecially of the Heliand, was a priest or a layman.
The Biblical material of the Heliand is not taken
immediately from the Gospels, but is selected from
Tatian's harmony, with supplementary and ex
planatory additions from patristic literature. This
latter material, with a few exceptions, is derived
in all probability from the four commentaries on
the Gospels most immediately preceding the com
position of the Heliand, Bede's exposition of Mark
and Luke, Alcuin's of John, and Rabanus Mourns'
of Matthew. It is evident, both from the nature of
the sources and from the combination and selection
of Biblical passages and the exegesis upon them, that
the author of the poem can scarcely have been
other than a priest or monk. Nor does the treat
ment of the material oppose this assumption. The
author sought to compose a poem, and not a com
pendium of dogmatic theology; he wished to bring
before his countrymen the life and deeds of Christ,
and his redeeming death and resurrection, whence
the character of his work is preponderatingly epic.
Only in the account of the Sermon on the Mount is
the treatment essentially didactic; elsewhere the
poet chose such passages as were either complete
in themselves or would arouse in his audience a
purely human or poetic interest, omitting such in
cidents as might be offensive to his hearers.
In his presentation the author of the Heliand
employs the Germanic alliterative verse, and the
entire coloring is equally Teutonic. The personages
of the poem are essentially Germanic in character,
as are the descriptions of ceremonies, feasts, natural
phenomena, and the like, while the literary style
is exceptionally admirable.
In criticizing the Old Saxon Genesis, the Anglo
Saxon version must be taken into consideration, since the discovery of the Vatican fragment has shown that the latter is an exact translation of the former. On the other hand, the criticism of the poem is rendered more difficult by the fact that its sources are still uncertain. It is clear that the Biblical book of Genesis is not the only source, as when the poet treats of the medieval doctrines of angels and devils, or of Antichrist or Enoch, and one portion seems to contain reminiscences of Avitus's De initio mundi and De originali peccato. The work is far inferior to the Heliand, particularly in its prolixity and in its lack of rigid structure. Words and phrases are constantly borrowed from the Heliand, while the style is halting and heavy, and the versification has neither swing nor strength. (E. S1avmas.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Critical editions of the Heliand are: J. A. 8chmeller, Munich, 1830, and E. Sievers, Halle, 1878. Other editions usable as handbooks are: H. Rffekert, Leipsic, 1878; K. 6imrock, Berlin, 1882; M. Heyne, Paderborn, 1&17; P. Piper, Stuttgart, 1897. Consult: H. Middendorf, Usber die Zeit der Abfassung dee Heliand, Mffnster, 1882; A. F. C. Vilmar, Deutsche ALterthamer im Heliand, Marburg, 1862; W. O. E. Windisch, Der Heliand and seine Quelden, Leipsio, 1888; C. W. M. Grein, Die Quellen des Heliande, Cassel, 1889; F. Hammerieh, Die dtkak chraatliche Epik der Anpelsacheen, Giitersloh, 1874; E. Sievers, Der Heliand and die augelsdchaische Genesis, Halle, 1875; G. Keintsel, Der Retiand im Verhdltniss zu semen Quellen, Hermannetadt, 1882; E. Behringer, Zur WQrdipunp des Heland, Aschaffenburg, 1891; A. Hedler, GesehicAle der Heliandforechunfl, Leipsie, 1891.
A special edition of the included parts of the Genesis by E. Sievers appeared in his Der Heliand and die anpelsdchaiache Genesis, Halle, 1875. Consult F. Vetter, Die neuentdeckte deutsche BibeldicAtuag, Heidelberg, 1894; P. Psohsly, Die Variation im Heliand and der altmchsiecAen Genesis, Berlin, 1899. A more extended list of literature is given in Hauck Herzog, RE, vii. 817. HELIODORBS: The name of several men recorded in the history of the Eastern Church: (1) A minister of the Syrian King Seleucus IV. Philopator (187• 175 B.c.), sent by him to Jerusalem to demand the surrender of the Temple treasures, and, according to the account in II Mace. iii, 7 40 (also IV Mace. iv.), struck down by a horseman appearing from heaven, but healed by the intercession of the high priest Onias. Josephus says nothing of the occurrence; but Fritzsehe (Schenkel's Bibellexikon, iii. 7) thinks there is a historic basis for the narrative, and the courtier Heliodorus mentioned by Appian (Hilt. Syriaca, xlv.), who poisoned the king in order to seize the throne for himself, has been identified with the Heliodorus of Maccabees. (2) A bishop of Laodicea mentioned by Dionysius of Alexandria in his letter to Stephen of Rome (254 257). (3) A bishop of Trieca in Thessaly mentioned by Socrates (Hilt. eccE., v. 22) as the author of the rule enforced there that bishops should abstain from commerce with their wives, and identified by him with the author of an erotic romance still extant, but probably written later. (4) Some have also identified the Thessalonian bishop with the friend of Jerome, a native of Dalmatia mentioned with reverence in several of Jerome's oldest letters (iii. vii.), and in another, twenty years later, to Nepotian, the nephew of Heliodorus, who had in the mean time been ordained at Aquileis and had become bishop of Altino, though still keeping up his monastic manner of life.
N.U.nNt.'"k THE NEW SCHAFF HERZOG210
Once more, probably in 396, Jerome writes to him on Nepotfan's death (Epiat. Ix.); and he dedicates to him his version. of the Proverbs. (b) A presbyter mentioned by Rufinus (Appl., xxx.) as one of (;he Greek speaking collaborators of Hilary on his commentaries. (6) A Christian who, is 289, wrote some iambic verses to Theodosius I. (7) A priest who, according to Gennadius (vi.), lived about the middle of the fourth century, and wrote against the Manicheans ' a work (now lost), De naturis rerum ex4rdialium, in which he defended the doctrine that God is the only world principle. (8) Another priest mentioned by Gennadins (xxix.) as living in Antioch about the middle of the fifth century and the author of a lost treatise, De virginitate.
BiBLIoGRAPHl: 1. G. A. Deisemann, BibdetudieN pp. 171175, Marburg, 1895, Eng. travel., Edinburgh, 1901; DD, ii. 348; BB, 12005; JE, vi. 335; and the commentaries on II Mace.
HELIOGABALUS. See ELAf3ABALLVS.
HELIOPOLIS. See ON.
BELL. See HADBs; GzHmNA; and FuTaamm PUNISHMENT.
HELL, CHRIST'S DESCENT INTO. See Dr, ecrrlT or CsarsT nrro HrrL.
HELL, PUNISHMENTS OF. See PVN18mmNT.
HELLENISM: Properly, the spirit and culture of
the Greeks, spread among Eastern peoples as a con
sequence of the short but brilliant
Difuusion carer of Alexander the .Great. The
of Greek independent states which arose out of
Language the ruins of his empire were bound
and together by Greek speech and culture,
Learning. for all who received the Greek language
came into possession of a specially rich
literature. This does not mean that the Greek
language superseded the local dialects over this area,
but that, especially in the large cities, the people
used the Greek along with their own tongues. To
those who had literary inclinations the wide diffu
sion of Greek had large results, since it enabled them
to express themselves in the lingua franca of the
world and to attain a world wide celebrity denied
them under the old conditions of writing in their
mother tongue only. The fostering centers of this
influence were the courts of the different princes,
where writers, artiste, and high officers collected,
and where temples, theaters, gymnasia, and baths
in the Greek style were erected and had their in
fluence upon the culture of the land. Nevertheless,
the resulting culture was different from the Greek
original. The golden age of Greek literature had
passed. The new peoples had to learn Greek, a fact
which gave to the result a somewhat pedantic
character. Moreover, along with this went a mixing
of the vernacular and the acquired speech (see
HELLENISTIC GREEK). This was in part uncon
scious, in part the result of an effort by the Oriental#
to emphasize their national characteristics, to prove
their higher antiquity, and demonstrate its meaning
for the development of culture, to tell their myths
the peoples drawn into this movement, which is of importance for theology, and also had other important bearings. The Jews were conscious of possessing a heritage at least equal to anything Greek, for the protection of which they must strive with all their powers.. Their faith in one Holy God, his promises to them, and above all their law, they regarded as superior to.all earthly wisdom, and for this they strove to win a larger domain by uniting in its service Greek philosophy and Greek literature, thus assuming the attitude of teachers of the world (see PRosrLYTF.6). Greek influence, however, had not the same results in Palestine as among the Jews of the Diaspora, and this fact must be distinguished in the discussion.
Exact details are lacking of the way in which Alexander came into possession of Palestine, but it
is clear that his treatment of its inhabGreek itants was gentle and that they were Influence undisturbed by the developments
on which immediately followed. 7 he es
Palestinian tablishment of Greek cities all about
Judaism. them afforded to the Jews opportunity
to become acquainted with Greek forms of culture, of which Jewish commerce took advantage. Greek culture found in Palestine congenial soil in the temple aristocracy, and Jesus Sirach speaks appreciatively of Greek medical science and of Greek music. Indeed, the Jewish aristocraoy appeared ready to give up all Jewish customs and to depart from its prohibitions. A high priest sent gifts to Greek games, Jews took Greek names, in Jerusalem a place was prepared for Greek celebraLions, the mark of circumcision was disguised or obliterated, and Judaism seemed destined to disappear entirely in Greek culture. The violence of the Seleucidm aroused the Maccabees, and for a time checked the movement. But the later Maccabees espoused the Greek cause, Aristobolus was named " the friend of the Greeks," while John Hyrcanus was named with honor in Athens because of his friendliness to Greeks in Palestine. This tendency developed still further under Herod the Great, who raised Greek temples in the non Jewish parts of his realm, built the Temple in Jerusalem in a style partly Greek, and erected in the same city or near it a theater, amphitheater, and a hippodrome, while the language received large accessions of Greek words. And yet it is to be noted that there was an inner circle of Judaism which remained unaffected by this tendency, and in the discussions over the law there was an exclusiveness which held at a distance all foreign modes of thought and expression.
An essentially different condition existed among the Jews of the Dispersion. The fact that they had
unlearned their old tongue made a Greek fundamental distinction, though neverInfluence thele, j they held fast to their Judaism.
on the They had gained the ability to live Judaism amid foreign surroundings after the
of the manner of their own faith. But Diaspora. they could not but be impressed with
the brilliancy of Greek literature, and be urged to the attempt to combine the forces of their own faith with it. Out of this grew, especially
911 RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA $euosab8elleni.UT& eek
in Alexandria, but also in other centers of Jewish life abroad, the very rich Jewish Greek literature, of which sufficient remains have been preserved to enable a very fair estimate of it to be made. A farther stimulus to the production of this literature were the correspondences and coincidences found by Jews in Greek writings with their own ideas, and an essential relationship felt to exist was embodied in Jewish allegorical exegesis. Greek was seized as a vehicle by which to convey to others the Judaic sense of the superiority of their own law and to glorify Judaism even by interpolation of existing writings.
The basis of Hellenistic literature was the translation of the Old Testament into Greek (see BIBLE
the early Christians. Similarly, extmcanonical Palestinian writings, like that of Sirach and the Psalms of Solomon, were made accessible to Greek speaking Jews through translations. Through these translations a certain freedom in handling the Scriptures was attained. The literature which arose upon the basis of the Septuagint embraced three departments: history, philosophy, and poetry. The task of the Jewish historians was to show the significance of Moses for the entire world as the originator of all sciences and arts. The retelling of the Old Testament story by Philo was in the interest of an ethical philosophical tendency. And other writers had the purpose of setting forth the newer developments of history in the Jewish world, as did Jason of Cyrene the period of the Maccabees, and Josephus the story of the fall of Jerusalem. Jewish apologetics also received assistance from Josephus, who attempted to prove the high antiquity of the. Jewish nation, and hence its equality at least with other peoples. Similarly, the narrative of Aristeas had the object of showing the regard with which a heathen people honored the Jewish law. Naturally the philosophy which sprang up in this region was eclectic. On the border land between the Palestinian wisdom literature and Greek philosophy stood the Wisdom of Solomon, influenced by Plato and the Stoics. The newer treatment set forth a moral theory of the rule of reason under the influence of Stoicism, as in IV Maccabees. And the results of the philosophic eclecticism have gained a not unworthy place in the history of philosophy. A third class of JewishGreek writers took the Greek poets as models and entered the domain of the drama and epic poetry. Thus there are fragments of a poem on the history of Jerusalem and of a drama on the Exodus. But the most noteworthy efforts in this direction were those which interpolated the Sibylline Oracles and other Greek productions, using them as a propaganda for the Jewish religion.
After the fall of the Jewish State the exclusive tendency of the strict Palestinian school began to work, and is well exemplified in the new translation of the Old Testament by Aquila in order to suppress the Septuagint and to support the pure Palestinian text and canon. The tendency against the union of Jewish and Gentile learning grew ever stronger,
until finally the Hellenistic literature was forgotten. The consequence would have been the entire loss of this body of literature had it not been rescued and preserved by the Christians whose linguistic affinities were with the Greek. (F. BUHL.)
BIBLIOGRAPH7: achUrer, Geschtchte, ii. 21 175, ill. 1 135, 304 bB2, Eng. tranel., II. i. iii.; J. Freudenthal, Die Flaviua Jossphus beigeleota Schrift: Usbsr die Herrachaft der Vernunft, Breslau, 1889; idem, Alexander Polyhistor, ib. 1875; M. Heinse, Geschichairhe Darstellunp der yiadi8chaleznndrinischen Relipionsphilosophie, Leipsic, 1872; C. Siegfried, Philo von Alezandrien, Jens, 1875; idem, in ZWT, xviii (1875), 485 sqq.; idem, in JPT, i (1888), 228 sqq.; J. G. Droysen, Oeschichts des Heilenismus, Gotha, 1877 78; G. Kwpeles, Oeschiehte der iadisden Literatur, i. 135 sqq., Berlin, 1888; H. Bois, Les Oripines de la philosophic judgo alexandrine, Paris, 1890; E. Hatch, Influence of Greek Ideas on the Christian Church, London, 1890; F. Susemihl, Oeachichte der priedhischsn Literatur in der Alexandrinerseit, Leipsic, 1891; J. P. Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought from the Ape of Alexander, London, 1891 92; M. Friedliinder, Das Judardhum in der vorchrisaichen prischieden Welt, GSttingen, 1897; idem, Der vorchristliche ffidircheGnoeticiamus, Vienna, 1898; L. Rahn, Romanismus and Hellenisrnua bis auf die Zest Justinians, Leipsic, 1907; P. Krilger, Hellenismus and Judentum im neuteatamendichen Zeitalter, ib., 1908; DB, ii. 280 283; EB, ii. 2008 13; JR, vi. 335 340.